Skip to main content

Full text of "Scotch Irish pioneers in Ulster and America"

See other formats




flcnrg TO. Sage 


rt.^.^.^..^..^ a.^.Vnj.\.Q..Y\ 





' - — 






pni MT ED IN U 5 A 

Cornell University Library 

E184.S4 B69 

Scotch Irish 

pioneers in U ster anc 


3 1924 032 772 174 


The original of this book is in 
the Cornell University Library. 

There are no known copyright restrictions in 
the United States on the use of the text. 


if^^ im 









Author of "The Peivate Soldier Under Washington," Etc. 







Copyright, 1910, by 
Charles Knowles Bolton 


The following pages attempt for the first time a syste- 
matic treatment of the beginning of a migration of settlers 
of Scotch and English descent from the north of Ireland to 
the New World. Parker, Perry, Green, Hanna and other 
writers have collected much of general history and tradi- 
tion ; and they have so pictured the Scotch traits developed 
under Irish skies, that Scotch Irish blood, once a reproach, 
is now cause for pride. But the conditions in Ireland be- 
fore the migration, the voyage across the ocean, the emi- 
grants as they appeared to early observers — these phases of 
the story have now for the first time been treated in detail, 
drawing upon hitherto unexplored sources. If a large part 
of our American population traces back to Ulster, the early 
religious, political and economic life of the valleys of the 
Foyle and the Bann should interest many, for many, 
whether theyare aware of it or not, are descended from the 
Scotch Irish. Clergymen and statesmen have from genera- 
tion to generation extolled the rugged virtues of these 
pioneers, and a closer study of their lives will, it is hoped, 
deepen the hold which they already have upon our affec- 

There has been a constant temptation to include in this 
study some account of emigrants from the west of Scot- 
land; they had very much in common with their Ulster 
friends and kinsmen. But however desirable a wide scope 
may be, it has been my purpose here to include only those 
who were influenced by the peculiar environment of a life 
upon Irish soil. 


I am grateful to many for assistance: To the trustees 
of the Boston Public Library for the use of many books 
relating to Ireland, a few of them purchased at my sug- 
gestion; to the Hon. James Phinney Baxter for his per- 
sonal helpfulness as well as for access to his unrivaled 
manuscript material relating to Maine j to Mr. Julius H. 
Tuttle of the Massachusetts Historical Society; to Mr. 
Edmund M. Barton and Mr. Clarence S. Brigham of the 
American Antiquarian Society ; to Mr. William P. Greenlaw 
of the New England Historic Genealogical Society; to Dr. 
Bernard C. Steiner of the Maryland Historical Society, 
and to Mr. Alexander S. Salley, Jr., Secretary of the His- 
torical Commission of South Carolina. I am under great 
obligation, also, to Dr. Hugh S. Morrison, coroner of 
Coleraine and Aghadowey, Ireland ; to the Rev. Crawford 
Hillis of Tanvally Fort, County Down; to Mr. W. "T. 
Pike of Brighton, England, publisher of an elaborate work 
on Belfast and the Province of Ulster; to the editor of 
the ''Ulster Journal of Archaeology"; and to others who 
are mentioned in connection with each chapter. 

C. K B. 

Pound Hill Place, 



I. Ireland and New England before 1714 . 1 

II. Ireland's Relation to Maryland, Pennsyl- 
vania AND South Carolina before 1718 . 21 

III. Economic Conditions in Ulster, 1714^1718 37 

IV. Political and Religious Conditions in 

Ulster, 1714-1718 6C 

V. The Rev. Wiluam Homes and the Rev. 

Thomas Craighead ..... 7£ 

VI. Ulster and the Presbyterian Ministry in 

171c5 . ...'... «7J 

VII. Aghadowey and the Session Book . . 11£ 

VIII. The Arrival of **Five Ships" in August, 

1718 13C 

IX. The Winter of 1718-1719 in Boston . . 15^ 

X. The Years 1718 and 1719 in Worcester; and 
in the Settlements at Rutland, Pelham 
AND Palmer ...... 171 

XI. The Winter of 1718-1719 in Dracut, An- 

DOVER, AND IN CaSCO BaY . . .196 

XII. The Years 1718 and 1719 at Merrymeeting 

Bay 21i 




XIV. The Scotch Irish in Donegal, Derry, and 

Neshaminy, Pennsylvania, after 1718 . 266 

XV. The Scotch Irish in Charleston and Wil- 
liamsburg, South Carolina, after 1718 . 285 

XVI. The Character of the Scotch Irish , . 296 

Index ......... 379 


I. Ships from Ireland Arriving in New England, 

1714-1720 317 


II. The Petition to Governor Shute in 1718 . 324 

III. Andrew McFadden's Transplanting to the 

Province op the Massachusetts Bay in 1718 331 

IV. (A) Members of the Charitable Irish Society 

in Boston 333 

(B) Names of Fathers on the Presbyterian 
Baptismal Records in Boston, 1730-1736 . 334 

V. List of Existing Vital Records of Towns in 

• Ulster, begun before 1755 . . . 337 

VI. Home Towns of Ulster Families, 1691-1718 . 339 



Londonderry, on the River Foyle . . Frontispiece 

Redrawn from an Engi-aving made in 1793, by W. and 
J. Walker 


Ireland, at Ballycarry, County Antrim 3 

Bangor Castle, County Down .... 7 
Near the Home of the Rev. Robert Blair 

The Rev. Cotton Mather 16 

Drawn by Sarah, wife of the Rev. John Moorhead, 
probably after Peter Pelham 

Ramelton, on Lough Swilly, County Donegal , 23 

Early Home of the Rev. Francis Makemie of Maryland 
and Virginia 

Old House at Snow Hill, Maryland ... 26 

Map op Maryland and Delaware . . . .33 

Road Map op the Bann Yalley .... 39 

The Salmon Leap, near Coleraine and Somerset 53 
With Ruins of Mount Sandall Fort on the Bank 

Meeting House at Dungannon, County Donegal 

Built before 1725 ..... 62 
Redrawn from a View in the Ulster Journal of Archae- 
ology, N. S., Vol. 1, Page 47 



The Town of Antrim on the River Braid . . 73 
Where the Rev. John Abernethy Lived 

Holy Hill House, Strabane, County Tyrone . 80 

Standing when the Rev. William Homes was a Min- 
ister in Strabane. Set on Fire when Derry was Be- 

Donegal, County Donegal . . . . .86 

Home Town of the Rev. Thomas Craighead of Freetown, 
Massachusetts, Delaware, etc. 

COLERAINE, ON THE BanN . . . . .97 

The Ship "William" Sailed from Coleraine in 1718. 
Drawing by John Huybers 

Map of the Province op Ulster .... 103 

Wall and Iron Gates enclosing the Site of the 

Rev. James McGregor's Meeting House . 120 

The Village Road east of McGregor's Meeting 

House, in what is now called Ardreagh . 123 

Residence of Dr. Hugh S. Morrison at Aghadowey 128 

Lizard Manor, Aghadowey, residence of Charles 

E. S. Stronge, Esq., J. P., D. L. . . . 129 

Governor Winthrop's Mill at New London . . 137 

South View of Belfast in 1789, from Mr. Joy's 

Paper Mill 147 

The Brigantine "Robert" Sailed from this Port in 1718 

An 18th Century Brigantine .... 150 
Redrawn from Price's View of Boston 



Map of Boston in 1722. Drawn by Captain John 

Bonner 161 

The Rev. John Moorehead, '^minister op a Church 

OF Presbyterian Strangers in Boston, "1730 167 
Peter Pelham's Portrait, redrawn by John Huybers 

Map of Massachusetts and New Hampshire . .178 

Ancient house in Worcester, once owned by Alex- 
ander McConkey . . • . . . 189 

Map of Casco Bay 204 

Home built by Bryce McLellan at Falmouth in 

1731 211 

The Oldest House in Portland. 

''Brunswick Town" 216 

Part of Southack's Map of Casco Bay. 

Meeting House and Session House at Londonderry, 

New Hampshire 245 

Ancient Ballymoney, County Antrim . . . 253 

Reconstructed from a Plan and Descriptions in the 
Ulster Journal of Archaeology, N. S., Vol. 3, Page 

Abraham Holmes' Letter from the Church at 

Aghadowey, County Londonderry, 1719 . 259 

Beardiville, a house in Ballywillan, County An- 
trim . ....... 265 

Standing when the Griffins of Spencer and the Temple- 
tons of Londonderry Lived at Ballywillan 



Meeting House at Donegal, Pennsylvania . .273 
Meeting House at Derry, Pennsylvania . . 276 
Charleston Harbor, South Carolina, 1740 . . 289 

From Winsor's Narrative and Critical History of Amer- 
ica. The Name was written Charlestown until 1783 

Map op South Carolina ..... 293 

The Parish Church, Aghadowey . . . . 297 

From a Photograph taken for this book by Miss Pauline 
Marian Stronge 

A Ruined church in Kilrea, County Londonderry 302 
Conagher's Farm, near Dervock, County Antrim . 311 

Home of the McKinley Family 

On the Aghadowey River 313 

From a Photograph by Miss Stronge 







On the map of Ireland the province of Ulster gath- 
ers into a circle nearly a quarter of the territory of 
the island. Its southerly bound runs from Donegal 
Bay on the west to Carlingf ord Bay on the east. In 
the centre of Ulster lies County Tyrone, with the 
counties of Donegal, Londonderry, and Antrim 
along its northern borders to fend the sea. This is 
the heart of the Scotch Irish country. South of 
County Tyrone are Fermanagh, Monaghan, and Ar- 
magh, counties not so closely associated with early 
Protestant migration. South of Monaghan, border- 
ing the Eoman Catholic pro\dnce of Leinster^ is 
Cavan, and to the east, touching Armagh, lies 
County Dowfi whose shores are less than a dozen 
miles from Ayrshire in Scotland. 

Donegal and Tyrone are drained by the Finn and 
the Moume, two rivers which unite at Strabane to 
form the Foyle. The Foyle flows northward across 
Londonderry to the sea. From Lough Neagh on the 
eastern border of Tyrone the Bann flows north also 


to tlie sea, separating the counties of Londonderry 
and Antrim. The source-lands of the Foyle and the 
Bann had supported a Scotch population for several 
generations before the year 1718 ; of this population 
and its interest in America the following pages give 
some account. 

The temperature of Ulster is milder than that of 
New England, and even warmer than will be found 
in northern England. Snow rarely lies on the 
ground over a month in the winter. The gaunt, 
gloomy mountains and the barren moorlands give 
some parts of the country a forbidding aspect. 
There are fine streams which leap down the steeps 
and gurgle through the rocky foot-hills, sweeping 
gracefully and sleepily across the moors and mead- 
ows toward the sea. 

In the days of the early eighteenth century mills 
for lumber and grain were dotted over this country, 
and everywhere in Northern Ireland were the 
patches of green grass upon which the flax was 
spread to bleach in the sun. 

The villages comprised usually little more than 
a few houses along a winding country road, with a 
lane here and there to tie a wayward hut to the 
mother flock. The better houses were built with 
thick walls of stone, sometimes with projecting but- 
tresses and old-fashioned turrets. Their windows 
were leaded, and over the door a carved stone gave 
the birth-date of the house. Upon this stone was 


lavished all tlie art of which the dwelling could 

Of the houses at Omagh an English traveller says : 
**A number of the houses were thatched; being 
repaired at different periods, as necessity required, 
the roofs often presented a grotesque appearance,- 
and were decked in all the colours of the year ; the 
fresh straw of autumn on the part lately done, and 

Ruins of the fiest Presbyterian Church built in Ireland 

AT Ballycarry, County Antrim 

the green verdure of spring in the plentiful crop 
of weeds which grew on the more ancient."^ 

Of the people themselves much will be said from 
time to time in these pages. The Irish or Celts were 
everywhere, although less numerous than in the 
Southern provinces. They were largely Roman 
Catholics and therefore at the time legally deprived 
of the powers and privileges that the humblest la- 

* Gamble's Sketches of History, Politics and Manners in Dublin 
and the North of Ireland in 1810, New Edition, 1826, pp. 284-286. 
^Ibid, p. 251. 


borer today expects as a matter of right. In the 
more remote regions the Irish were scarcely above 
the condition of savages, living npon game and 
abandoning agriculture to the conquering race. 

The Scotch, invited by the King to inhabit confis- 
cated Irish lands, were in almost every village, as 
their Presbyterian chapels bore witness. But during 
the century of their occupation of Ulster their thrift 
and energy had battled with but moderate success 
against the ravages of war and the burden of hostile 

The third element in the population was the ruling 
class. This class was largely English, supplemented 
by Scotch and Irish landowners, nearly all of whom 
through self-interest or conviction upheld the Estab- 
lished Church, and by virtue of this allegiance had 
access to the magistracy and the army. 

Such a population offered endless opportunity for 
friction and discontent. And yet had there been an 
eighteenth century Lord Cromer to do for Ireland 
what the present administrator has done for Egypt, 
one may feel certain that the Irish question of today 
would never have existed. 

The Scotch Irish who came from Ireland to Amer- 
ica are criticised for their personal habits as much 
as they are praised for their more vital good quali- 
ties. That these defects persisted in Ulster is con- 
firmed by a generous and kindly English traveller, 
John Gamble, who in 1810 saw them in their homes. 


Stopping at a roadside cottage one day for dinner 
lie decided that he would ask for eggs, as safer than 
some other foods of unknown composition. The 
good woman who presided over the home, roasted 
an egg or two in ashes before her blazing fire. When 
he asked if they were done *'she took a long pin 
with which she had been picking her teeth and thrust- 
ing it into the side of the egg: — *Ah! weel-a-wot, 
surr,' proceeded she, presenting it to him: 4t^s as 
weel done an egg as ony in Christendom. ' ' ' Bread, 
with butter dexterously spread with the thumb, after 
the custom of the people, completed the meal. Mr. 
Gamble then continues: 

'*A few years ago the Presbyterians in the Coun- 
try parts of this Kingdom were not much cleaner 
than their Scottish ancestors. The inside of a ves- 
sel was seldom washed and the outside still sel- 
domer. ' '^ 

Confirmation of this view comes from Arthur Lee, 
who visited Pittsburg in 1784. He describes the 
town as inhabited almost entirely by Scots and 
Irish, living *4n paltry log-houses, and as dirty as 
in the north of Ireland, or even Scotland.''^ 

But there were characteristics of these Scotch 
Irish husbandmen more racial and permanent than 
mere habits of cleanliness. Gamble was a shrewd 

^ Gamble, p. 262. 

2 Life of Arthur Lee, 1829, Vol. 2, p. 385. My attention has 
been called to Lee and other writers by Mrs. Ruth D. Coolidge. 


observer of these: '^It is astonishing," he says, 
*^how little idea Presbyterians have of pastoral 
beauty ; the Catholic has ten times more fancy — ^but 
a Presbyterian minds only the main chance. If he 
builds a cottage, it is a prison in miniature; if he 
has a lawn, it is only grass ; the fence of his grounds 
is a stone wall, seldom a hedge. ... A Presby- 
terian has a sluggish imagination : it may be awak- 
ened by the gloomy or terrific, but seldom revels in 
the beautiful."^ 

These were the people whom we call Scotch Irish, 
a term which was in use as early as the seventeenth 
century. They came to America, not as discoverers, 
but as the pioneers of their race ; they defended the 
frontiers against Indians, and their numbers in the 
South so much augmented the forces in the Eevolu- 
tionary army that they may fairly be said to have 
saved Washington from defeat. To these people the 
British Colonies in America were not unknown. 
Intercourse between Ireland and New England has 
gone on with little interruption from very early 
days. During the first century after the settlement 
of Boston, non-conformist ministers of Ireland and 
New England were in close touch; members of the 
Mather family were as familiar with the streets of 
Dublin as. they were with the three green hills in 
the Bay colony's chief town; and more than one 
early attempt was made to transplant Ulster set- 

'Gamble, p. 348. 


tiers. Another eentnry witnessed a steady migra- 
tion of the Protestant inhabitants of Ulster, until 
by estimation a third of the ])opnlati()n had crossed 
the Atlantic. Dnring* the last fifty } cars central and 
southern Ireland have sent so many Eoman ( Vitholic 
emigrants that our American cities one and all feel 
the j)ower of their numbers. The Atlantic States are 

Bangor Castle, County Down 
The Rev. Robert Blair preached at Bangor 

today a New Ireland, influenced in the rural dis- 
tricts by those of Scotch Irish descent, and governed 
in the cities by the Celtic Irish. 

In 1636 a desire to emigrate took firm hold upon 
the people in the towns near Belfast. Their leaders 
were four able men : the Eev. Eobert Blair of Ban- 
gor, county Down; the Rev. James Hamilton who 


preached at Ballywalter, a little village a few miles 
east of Belfast ; the Eev. John McLellan of the neigh- 
boring town of Newtownards ; and the Eev. John 
Livingston who had been deposed from the church 
at Killinchy in the diocese of Down. 

These earnest clergymen, living within the radius 
of a few miles of Bangor, became more and more dis- 
satisfied with the Established Church and its order 
of service. Blair was~their leader, a man of '* ma- 
jestic, awful, yet amiable countenance,'' who gradu- 
ally drew into his circle the clergymen of eight or 
nine adjoining parishes. He was suspended from 
his charge, and by the varying authorities reinstated 
and twice deposed for non-conformity, and finally 
his followers suffered a like fate. They found it dif- 
ficult to preach in Ireland, and asked Livingston, a 
very eloquent speaker, to visit Boston in company 
with William Wallace, to obtain favorable terms 
from the Governor living there for a settlement in 
New England. 

Mr. Wallace delayed so long to bid farewell to his 
family that the two agents lost the desired ships 
then sailing from London. Meeting Mr. John Hum- 
phrey they agreed to go in his ship, and so were 
unable to accept Mr. Bellingham's later offer of 
passage in a larger ship. At Dorchester, England, 
they tarried to listen to the Eev. John White, a pro- 
moter of the colony of the Massachusetts Bay; at 
last setting sail they encountered head winds and 


were forced to put in at Plymouth. There Wallace 
fell ill, and they decided to abandon the voyage. Liv- 
ingston never became an emigrant, but his son Eob- 
ert settled later upon the Hudson, and the soil of 
Livingston manor nurtured a race of American 
statesmen and soldiers. 

Persecution still continued in Ireland, and a kindly 
invitation from the Governor and Council in New 
England determined the leaders to order a ship to 
be built for them near Belfast, of about one hundred 
and fifty tons burden. Full of hope they named her 
the ^' Eagle Wing," from that beautiful passage in 
Exodus where the Lord said to Moses: '^Ye have 
seen what I did unto the Egyptians, and how I bare 
you on eagles' wings, and brought you unto myself. 
Now therefore, if ye will obey my voice indeed, and 
keep my covenant, then ye shall be a peculiar treas- 
ure unto me above all people: for all the earth is 
mine. ' ' 

One cannot but wonder, recalling the little settle- 
ment at Boston, what would have been the effect of 
the arrival of four or five very able Presbyterian 
ministers at that time. Blair and Livingston, 
McLellan and Hamilton were men of education, 
property, and family. Hamilton's uncle. Lord 
Clandeboye, had befriended them; McLellan and 
Livingston were by ties of marriage or descent 
closely allied with the Scottish aristocracy. Blair 
was a prince among leaders, and rose to be mod- 


erator of the General Assembly in Scotland ; in 1648 
he represented it in an endeavor to have Cromwell 
impose Presbyterianism npon England. 

The ^^ Eagle Wing'' set sail September 9, 1636, 
from Longh Fergus, but was soon compelled to put 
in at Lough Eyan in Scotland to stop dangerous 
leaks; she then turned her prow westward. Tem- 
pestuous weather during the three or four hundred 
leagues which the ship covered weakened and at last 
crushed the rudder, ^* brake much of our gallion- 
head, our fore-cross-tree, and tare our fore-sail; 
five or six of our chainplaitts made up; ane great 
beam under the gunner-roome door brake ; seas came 
in over the round-house, and brake ane plank or two 
in the deck, and wett all them that were between 
decks. ' ' Thus Livingston tells of those trying days 
when men worked incessantly at the pumps, and 
repaired the damage from wave and wind as rapidly 
as they could find opportunity. Meanwhile their 
leader Blair lay ill in the cabin; some of the com- 
pany of one hundred and forty passengers died, and 
a baby came into that storm-tossed world of water. 
When the captain, who did not dare to face another 
hurricane off the New England coast, turned the lit- 
tle ship toward Ireland the courageous Blair fell in 
a swoon, unable to think of failure after so much 
distress. Through it all Blair's infant son, who had 
been ill at departure, lived and even grew stronger, 
so that, in the quaint language of the chronicle, '4t 


pleesed the only wise God to twist in this small ply 
in Mr. Blair's rod."^ 

The early appearance of Scotch names in Amer- 
ica is due largely to the wars between England and 
Scotland. Many prisoners taken at the battles of 
Dunbar and Worcester were sold into service in the 
colonies. These men worked out their terms of serv- 
itude at the Lynn iron works and elsewhere, and 
founded honorable families whose Scotch names 
appear upon our early records. No account exists 
of the Scotch prisoners that were sent to New Eng- 
land in Cromwell's time; at York in 1650 were the 
Maxwells, Mclntires, Junkinses and Grants. The 
Mackclothlans,^ later known as the Claflins, gave a 
governor to Massachusetts and distinguished mer- 
chants to New York city. In Prendergast 's * ' Crom- 
wellian Settlement of Ireland" reference is made to 
attempts to strengthen the Protestant population 
of Catholic Ireland by offering inducements to New 
England families to migrate. These efforts of 1651, 
1655 and 1656 led to the transplanting of many 
Yankee families to Limerick and Garristown, where 
their descendants perhaps still reside. 

During Charles the Second's time the harshness 
of the laws in Scotland as well as in Ireland led to 

* Autobiographies of Blair and Livingston, published by the 
Wodrow Society; also Dictionary of National Biography. 

'New England Historical and Genealogical Register, Vol. 1, 
p. 377. See also the Claflin Genealogy. 


many plans for removal to America. Hugh Camp- 
bell, a Boston merchant, obtained permission from 
the Bay colony in February, 1679-80, to transport 
settlers from Scotland and establish them in the 
Nepmug country^ in the vicinity of Springfield. 

None of these Scotchmen, however, can properly 
be associated with Ulster, and their interest in Amer- 
ica is not germain to our subject. 

What object the captain of the ship George of 
Londonderry had in his voyage to Boston in 1675 
we now have no means of knowing. The records of 
the Court of Assistants ^ show that the mariners of 
the ship appealed to the authorities for payment of 
wages. The names of the members of the crew were 
Philip Owen, Charles Frost, John Bell, Arthur 
Eichards and William Maxf eild. 

The next effort to establish a colony originated in 
Ireland. Wait Winthrop in Boston wrote to his 
brother Fitz-John of Connecticut December 29, 1684, 
that a gentleman had lately come over, '*a man of 
some interest there, ' ' and was looking out for a plan- 
tation for about one hundred families. Winthrop 
talked with him of Quinnebaug ^ and was told that 
an abundance of people would come over if they 
could be assured that they could have liberty of con- 

^ Massachusetts Bay Colony Records, Vol. 5, p. 264. 
^Ilnd, Vol. 1, p. 41. 

3 Plainfield, about twenty-nine miles north east of New London, 
in Connecticut. 


science, their views being ^^mucli of tlie same stamp'' 
as those in New England. ^ We know that conditions 
in a large part of Ireland were distressing ; this was 
especially true in the counties of Derry and Donegal, 
where many ministers of the presbytery of Lagan 
resolved to emigrate to America. But the fever for 
migration that was rising subsided upon the death 
of Charles II, February 6, 1685; no movement to 
New England took place, although a few settle- 
ments were made in Maryland, Pennsylvania and 
the Carolinas, where ships engaged in the tobacco 
trade found their ports of destination. ^ 

With the coming of James II to power, Eoman 
Catholic influence began to be felt, and the Protes- 
tant population of Ireland was sure to suffer. In 
1686 and 1687 high offices in the church and army 
were given to Papists, and an effort was made to 
bring English universities under Catholic rule. The 
Earl of Tyrconnel, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and 
an influential member of the Eoman Catholic party 
at Court, at once ** purged" the army in Ireland of 
its Protestant officers. But perceiving an oppor- 
tunity to show loyalty to King James by sending to 
England three thousand men to aid him in his 
encounter with William, Prince of Orange, *4t 
pleased God to so Infatuate the Councils of my Lord 

^ Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, Series V, Vol. 
8, p. 450. 
^ See the next chapter. 


Tyrconnel," as Walker, historian of the siege, puts 
it, that he sent out of Ireland the Catholic regiment 
quartered at Derry. Tyrconnel soon saw his error 
in withdrawing this force from Derry, and dis- 
patched the Earl of Antrim to the north. When the 
news of Antrim's approach reached the city there 
was great indecision; but caution soon gave way 
before hotter blood, the bridge was drawn up and 
the gates were locked. Thus began the defence of 
Derry, April 20, 1689. Incident at once crowded 
upon incident ; sally and assault, plot and treachery, 
vacillation and courage gave to each day a new sen- 
sation, until Colonel Lundy, commander of the be- 
sieged forces, having advocated a secret withdrawal 
of officers and gentlemen, leaving the citizens of 
Derry to the mercy of the enemy, was forced to flee 
in disguise with a pack on his back. Then in truth 
began the famous days of waiting and fighting, un- 
der the leadership of a militant clergyman, the Rev. 
George Walker, rector of Donaghmore in County 
Tyrone. To add to the distress of the besieged their 
enemies drove thousands of women and children 
from the neighboring towns under the walls of Derry 
where they had to be rescued and fed by a garrison 
already short of stores. Then came the days when 
horse flesh was served to the soldiers, while dogs 
**fatned by eating the bodies of the slain Irish" 
sold by the quarter for five shillings and six pence, 
and cats brought four shillings and six pence each. 


On the 30th of July, in the time of their direst ex- 
tremity, two ships ladened with provisions came up 
the Lough, broke the boom and reached the town 
amid hysterical tears and thanksgiving. They had 
but one pint of meal for each man and nine lean 
horses left for food. 

King William relieved the Presbyterians of some 
of their burdens by obtaining through his influence 
the Toleration Act (May 24, 1689). The waste lands 
soon began to respond to the plow, and thrifty set- 
tlers from the Scottish lowlands and Lancashire 
came over the water to aid those that had survived 
the war. 

Under Queen Anne (1702-1714) the Presbyterians 
in Ireland again lost almost every advantage that 
had been gained, and became by the Test Act of 
1704 virtually outlaws. Their marriages were de- 
clared invalid, and their chapels were closed. They 
could not maintain schools nor hold office above that 
of a petty constable. 

The commercial acts of 1698, restricting the Irish 
woolen industry and encouraging the manufacture 
of linen, brought ultimate improvement in Ireland 
because lands formerly devoted to grazing could -now 
be devoted in part to tillage; but for some years 
immediately following the passage of the acts there 
was great industrial depression. Distress due to the 
lack of work, together with the want of religious 
freedom and political opportunity, excited the sym- 



pathy of non-conformists beyond the bounds of Ire- 

During these years the Rev. Cotton Mather was in 

close touch with religious and political affairs in 
Scotland and Ireland. His father was a Master of 


Arts, of Trinity College, Dublin, and his two uncles, 
Nathaniel and Samuel, were well known in Dublin as 
preachers. To the University of Glasgow the Eev. 
Cotton Mather sent books and pamphlets from time 
to time, and had received there the honorary degree 
of Doctor of Divinity in 1710. He was therefore 
interested both in Ireland and in Scotland. More- 
over he was a far seeing patriot of broad views and 
sympathies, to whom New England owes much. He 
was the leading clergyman in a colony where his 
religion was the foremost force in education, in soci- 
ety, and in official life. 

On the 20th of September, 1706, Mather records : 
^*I write letters unto diverse persons of Honour 
both in Scotland and in England; to procure Settle- 
ments of Good Scotch Colonies,, to the Northward of 
us. This may be a thing of great consequence."^ 
It was Mather *s plan to settle hardy families on 
the frontiers in Maine and New Hampshire to pro- 
tect the towns and churches of Massachusetts from 
the French .and Indians. In his Memorial of the 
Present deplorable state of New England he sug- 
gests that a Scotch colony might be of good service 
in getting possession of Nova Scotia.^ 

With the death of Queen Anne in 1714 and the 
accession of George I the period of ferment in Irish 

*MS. in tlie Massachusetts Historical Society. 
* Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, Series V, Vol. 
6, p. 41*. 



emigration may be said to begin. In that year two 
clergymen set out for New England, and their resi- 
dence in America probably had more to do with the 
great migration of 1718 than we can as yet demon- 
strate. They were the Eev. William Homes of Stra- 
bane in County Tyrone who settled on Martha's 
Vineyard, and the Eev. Thomas Craighead, his 
brother-in-law, of the town of Donegal, who lived for 
some years in Freetown, a village about ten miles 
east of Fall Eiver. There was, however, no immedi- 
ate migration resulting from their arrival in New 
England. A few passengers had arrived in the year 
1716 in the ' ' Truth and Daylight, ' ' the ^ ^ Mary Ann, ' ' 
and the *^ Globe''; but in 1717 when piracy was rife 
along the New England coast the records, as com- 
municated by Grovernor Shute to the Lords of Trade, 
show that only fourteen male servants or appren- 
tices arrived from Dublin, in August, 1717, and nine 
from Belfast in September of that year.^ None 
arrived at Boston from January to June 29th of the 
year 1718, although Captain Gibbs brought a few 
persons from Dublin to Marblehead in May. In less 
than two years from the arrival of the Eev. William 
Boyd in July, 1718, five or six hundred men, women 
and children had come over to settle.^ 
But before considering the careers and influence 

^ See Appendix 1. 

^ Maine Historical Society Collections, Baxter Mss., Vol. X, p. 


of Homes and Craighead, the economic and religious 
condition of Ulster at this time should be made 
clear. Dean Swift, in speaking of tyrannical land- 
lords, wrote in 1720,^ ''Whoever travels this coun- 
try [Ireland] and observes the face of nature, or the 
faces, and habits, and dwellings of the natives, will 
hardly think himself in a land where law, religion, 
or common humanity is professed. ' ^ And he explains 
that the landlords by ' ' screwing and racking ' ' their 
tenants had reduced the people to a worse condition 
than the peasants in France or the vassals in Ger- 
many and Poland. The property owners were 
pressed by debt incurred often in London or on the 
Continent. They felt forced to exact the last penny 
from their tenants, and too often turned a thrifty 
Scotch Protestant farmer from the land he had by 
incessant toil brought into good condition so that 
the land might go to two or more Catholic families 
who, while living together in poverty, could by their 
united efforts pay a greater return. The Irish were 
not fond of the plow and the land suffered under 
their hands.^ Sir Thomas Phillips told King 
Charles I that the native Irish would give increasing 
rents rather than move ; therefore the landlord could 
hope to reap only half the profit from English and 
Scotch farmers that might come from the Irish.^ 

^ Proposal for a Universal use of Manufactures. 

=* Hill's Plantation in Ulster, p. 590. 

3 Dublin University Magazine, 1833, p. 474. 


As late as 1790 Lord Chancellor Clare again 
repeated the explanation: *^The great misfortune 
of Ireland, and particularly [of] the lower classes of 
its inhabitants is, that at the expiration of every 
lease, the farm is put up to auction, and without con- 
sidering whether it is a Protestant or a Papist — 
whether he is industrious or indolent — ^whether he is 
solvent or a beggar, the highest bidder is declared 
the tenant by the law agent of the estate, I must say 
to the disgrace of the landlord, and most frequently 
much in his advantage.''^ 

These were the conditions in Ulster which turned 
the eyes of the intelligent Protestant farmer toward 
the American colonies. The desire to emigrate had 
deeper and more immediate sources than a century 
of intercourse and sympathy between Ireland and 

^Dublin University Magazine, May, 1833, p. 480. A very inter- 
esting account of the confusion and friction resulting from the 
occupation of the land by several tenants, each sharing the good 
and the poor plots of land, will be found in Mr. and Mrs. S. C. 
Hall's Ireland, Vol. 3, p. 261. 





The early annals of the Presbyterian church in 
the colonies south of New England are closely linked 
with the name of the Eev. Francis Makemie of Eam- 
elton on Lough Swilly, County Donegal, who was 
licensed by the Presbytery of Lagan in 1681, and 
came to America soon after. Makemie covered the 
Atlantic coast colonies in his ministrations, devoting 
much of his time, however, to Maryland. Before 
1690 there were three and perhaps four congrega- 
tions in Somerset County, which then included 
Worcester County, Maryland, with their meeting- 
houses at Snow Hill (1684), Manokin, Wicomico, 
and Eehoboth.^ These places lie south of the present 
southern boundary of Delaware. It may be said that 
although two ministers. Doughty and Hill, were 
early Presbyterian preachers on the western shore 
of Chesapeake Bay these settlements on the east 

^The sheriff of Somerset reported that the dissenters "hath a 
house In Snow Hill, one on the road going up along the seaside, 
one at Manokin, about thirty feet long — plain country buildings 
all of them." See Mrs. Mary M. North's "An Historic Church" 


side formed the first stronghold of their faith in 
the Sonth. 

Another member of the Lagan Presbytery in Ire- 
land, and a friend of Makemie, was the Rev. Wil- 
liam Traill, a Glasgow graduate, who suffered im- 
prisonment for his convictions, and upon his release 
came to Maryland in 1682. He probably founded the 
church at or near Rehoboth in Somerset County, 
where he had influential friends, including Colonel 
WiUiam Stevens, John White, John Shipway and 

A few months earlier, perhaps in 1681, came the 
Rev. Thomas Wilson to found a church at Manokin, 
a settlement now called Princess Anne. It is sup- 
posed that Wilson was the minister of the same 
name who had been at Killybegs, County Donegal. 
Among his friends were John Galbraith, Archibald 
Erskine, and David Brown. Possibly also Abraham 
Gale of Somerset County in 1684 should be counted 
as a neighbor and friend. Gale's wife Sarah and 
their sons James and John, sailing from Dublin to 
Virginia, fell in with a designing rascal who sold 
their services for a term 'of years to pay the sum 
required for their passage, although Gale himself 
stood ready to pay it.^ 

*Rev. J. W. Mcllvain in Johns Hopkins University Studies, 
notes supplementary, 1890, No. 3, p. 19. 
■Maryland Archives, Vol. 17, p. 352. 




Ramelton, on Lough Swilly, Ireland 
Home of the Rev. Francis Makemie 


Another of Wilson's neighbors was John Wallis, 
Senior, *^of Ireland and Monokin Eiver, Somerset 
County, ' ' who was living in 1685 with his wife Jane, 
his nephew John Wallis, Junior, and his kinsmen 
Matthew and James Wallis/ Other settlers from 
Ireland were there. Edward Randolph, writing to 
the Commissioners of Customs from James City, 
June 27, 1692, adds to our knowledge of the Scotch 
Irish in Somerset County in the following reference 
to the new governor of Maryland: 

^*I hear he has continued Maj"" King to bee ye 
Navall Officer in Somerset Co*^ on ye eastern shore, 
a place pestred w*^ Scotch & Irish. About 200 fam- 
ilies have within ye 2 years arrived from Ireland & 
setled in y^ Co*^ besides some hundred of family's 
there before. They have set up a linnen Manufac- 
ture, Encouraged thereto by Co" Brown, a Scotch- 
man, one of ye Councill & by Maj"" King & other prin- 
cipall persons upon ye place, who support ye Inter- 
lopers & buy up all their Loading upon their first 
arrivall, & govern ye whole trade on ye Eastern 
shore, so y* whereas 7 or 8 good ships from Eng^^ 
did yearly trade & load ye Tobb° of y* Co*^ I find y* 
in these 3 years last past there has not been above 
5 ships trading legally in all those Eivers, & nigh 30 
Sayle of Scotch Irish & New Eng'*^ men. ' ' ^ 

^Maryland Calendar of Wills, Jane Baldwin, editor. Vol. 1. 
'In Edward Randolph (Prince Society), Vol. 7, p. 364, to whiclj 
Mr. Albert Matthews directed my attei^tioii. 



A third Presbyterian minister in this region was 
the Rev. Samuel Davis,^ possibly also from Ireland, 
who is said to have been pastor of the "famons and 

.- > 

- f ''. 

\ /■ll^sk 


"^^ t. *•_-—_- 

!' 1 ^ 

/I - < ''III : 

Old House in Sxow Hill, :Maeyland 

venerable" church at Snow Hill from an early date 
until 169S. He afterward settled at Hoarkill, now 
Lewes, in Delaware. The Rev. Mr. Makemie mar- 
ried a lady of wealth in 1690 and settled in Accomac 

^Rev. William Hill, in his History of American Presbyterianism 
(Washington City, 1839) pp. 162-163, doubts a Scotch origin for 
all of the seven members of the first presbytery. Mackemie, 
Hampton and McNish, he agrees, were Irish. 


County, Virginia, a few miles south of Snow Hill. 
Whether he or Davis was regularly in charge at 
Snow Hill cannot now be determined. The Makemie 
Memorial Presbyterian Church perpetuates the 
memory of his ministry. 

Along the western shore of Chesapeake Bay Colo- 
nel Ninian Beall was the leading Presbyterian lay- 
man. Through his influence a church existed at 
Patuxent in 1704, and the members included several 
prominent Fifeshire families of the present Prince 
George County. 

Makemie 's successor was the Rev. John Henry, 
who came from Ireland in 1709, having been licensed 
by Armagh Presbytery in 1708. Although Makemie 
was the chief Presbyterian minister of the early 
pioneers there were several others in the colonies 
at about this period. They are little more than 
names to us, but they did faithful service, going from 
plantation to plantation along the rivers, preaching 
in the open air or in houses, where no church existed, 
and living as traders when bread could not be earned 
by the work of the ministry. The Rev. Josias Mackie 
came to Elizabeth River, Virginia — the lands about 
Norfolk — from St. Johnstown, County Donegal, a 
town destined to try the soul of New England's 
Scotch Irish leader, Boyd, half a century later when 
he had returned to Ulster. The Rev. John Hamp- 
ton, probably ** master John of Burt,'' whose school 
days were brightened by money from the Presbytery 


of Lagan, settled at Snow Hill, and the Eev. George 
McNish, Scotch or Irish, officiated at Manokin and 
Wicomico. Others were the Rev. Hugh Conn of our 
present Bladensbnrg, Maryland, the Rev. Robert 
Orr of Maidenhead, New Jersey, the Rev. John 
Thomson of Lewes, and the Rev. Samuel Gelston 
who went down after a sojourn in New England to 
preach at Opequon in Virginia. 

A question arises in considering the history of 
these early churches of Maryland and Virginia; — 
Were the Scotch Irish a real factor here before the 
year 1718, the date of the great migration to New 
England? In Maryland Presbyterianism was of the 
mild English type, and we find Presbyterians joining 
with Episcopalians in an appeal for an Established 
Church as a protection against the spread of Roman 
Catholicism. The same type of Presbyterianism pre- 
vailed in Philadelphia during the ministry of the 
Rev. Jedediah Andrews, a Yankee in the Quaker 
city. It is probable therefore that very few com- 
municants, aside from the ministers, had ever lived 
in Ireland. 

While few Presbyterians came from Ireland 
before 1718, the Quaker migration certainly began 
as early as 1682. The failure of this Quaker migra- 
tion to influence the coming of Scotch Irish settlers is 
curiously illustrated by a table in Mr. Myers 's inval- 
uable book on the Irish Quakers in Pennsylvania. 
We learn there that of the one hundred and sixty- 


five families that came during the thirty-five years 
from 1682 to 1717 only one left a home in County 
Antrim, and none came from Londonderry or 
Tyrone, the Scotch Irish counties ;^ whatever Scotch 
Irish migration from Ulster existed before 1718 was 
not influenced by the Quakers ' example. 

In the next thirty-two years, 1718 to 1750, a period 
covering the great Scotch Irish migration from 
Ulster, two hundred and sixty-five Quaker adults 
or families came to Pennsylvania. Of these there 
were one hundred and thirty-five from Ulster, or 
just one half. They came largely from the meet- 
ings at Antrim, Ballinderry, Ballinacree and Lis- 
burn, in county Antrim, the heart of the Scotch Irish 
country, and from Ballyhagan, Grange, and Lurgan, 
county Armagh. This tide, however, did not really 
set in until after the Scotch Irish had begun their 
removal, or until 1729, when in one year twenty-nine 
left Ireland as against seventeen in the preceding 
nine years. Evidently the sudden increase in the 
Ulster Quaker migration was due to the economic 
disturbances of the years 1728 and 1729, discussed so 
fully in Archbishop Boulter's letters.^ It follows, 
therefore, that the Scotch migration of 1718 from 
Ulster was in no manner influenced by the migration 
of Quakers. That Quakers and Presbyterians had 
family ties may be inferred, however, from the fact 

* Twenty-seven came from Armagh and Cavaij. 
= gee Chapter III, 


that James Logan, the Quaker, William Pemi's 
friend, and Secretary of Pennsylvania, was a cousin 
of the Eev. William Tennent, who came to America 
from Ireland and settled at East Chester, New 
York in 1718.^ Tennent became one of the great 
leaders in the Presbyterian church. 

The passengers who arrived at Philadelphia from 
Ireland earlier than 1718 were for the most part 
Quakers or Celtic Irish. We have few contempor- 
ary references to the arrival of Scotch Irish com- 
panies of settlers, until the American Weekly Mer- 
cury of October 27, 1720, mentions a brigantine 
from Londonderry with ninety passengers on board. 
These were probably Presbyterians. The Presby- 
terian influence in the colonies was never strong un- 
til the migration from Ulster began. Mr. J. S. 
Futhey in his history of Upper Octorara Church 
bears testimony to this, and Mr. W. D. Mackey in his 
history of the church at White Clay Creek is another 
witness. Moreover, the Scotch Irish type of Mary- 
land Presbyterianism was just coming into prom- 
inence when the Rev. Thomas Craighead went from 
Freetown in Massachusetts to become the first pas- 
tor at White Clay Creek in 1724.^ 

The next port on the coast which is associated with 
Scotch Irish immigrants at an early date is Charles- 

* Webster's Presbyterian Church, p. 365. 

'See Alfred Nevin's Presbytery of Philadelphia, 1888, Chapter 
2, for a good summary of the early history. 


ton. About the year 1683, if we may rely upon tradi- 
tion, several emigrants, influenced by Sir Eichard 
Kyrle,^ a Protestant Irishman of some note, and led 
by a man named Ferguson, landed there, although 
little is known of them.^ One tangible fact, indeed, 
we have in the presence at Charleston in 1692 of 
Eichard Newton whose brother Marmaduke Newton 
still remained at Carrickfergus in old Ireland.^ 

The first Presbyterian church in Charleston was 
organized about 1685, with communicants largely if 
not entirely from Scotland and New England. It 
enjoyed a prosperous history for half a century. The 
Eev. Archibald Stobo of the original or ^^ White 
Meeting House ^' became a famous Charleston 
preacher. He and his wife had come ashore in 1699 
from the ship ^^Eising Sun,'' which then lay off the 
bar under jury masts, he having received an invita- 
tion to preach. A hurricane approaching unexpect- 
edly, the ship and all her company, except Mr. and 
Mrs. Stobo and the longboat's crew, were lost. The 
people were on their way to Scotland from the unfor- 
tunate colony at Darien.* 

The Eev. Mr. Stobo was an ardent missionary, 
and his efforts to widen the borders of his church 
by the creation of new congregations and the erec- 

* Governor of South Carolina in 1684. 
'Charlestown Year Book, 1883, p. 380. 

3 South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine, Vol. 8, 
p. 204. 

* Charleston Year Book, 1882, p. 397. 


tion of new places for worship were successful. A 
letter from South Carolina published in 1710 speaks 
of five * * British Presbyterian ' ' ministers then in the 
colony/ These preachers heralded the faith which 
was in another generation to make itself felt in 
South Carolina, when the real migration from Ire- 
land should begin. 

The following incident is worthy of record here. 
A certain Mr. John Jarvie had been ordained by the 
Presbytery of Belfast instead of by that of Down 
as had been decreed by the Synod. An explanation 
of the irregularity was given by Mr. Robert Wilson, 
merchant, of Belfast: *'That there^was a ship in 
the Logh of Belfast bound for South Carolina ; that 
the seamen and passengers amount to the number 
of 70; that it was earnestly desir'd that they may 
have a Chaplain on board, and if ordain 'd, so much 
the better for the voyage, and also for the person 
to be ordain 'd and the country whither they are 
bound — therefor desir'd, seeing Mr. Jarvie inclines 
to sail in the ship, that he may be ordain 'd before 
he go, and that it may be done as soon as possible, 
because the ship will soon be clear to sail."^ It is 
possible that these passengers were from G-lasgow, 
since nearly all ships from that port called at Bel- 
fast on the voyage to America. Whether Scotch 
or Scotch Irish we cannot decide, but they sailed 

* Hodge's Presbyterian Church, Vol. 1, p. 85. 

"Records General S^nocJ at Belfast June 15, 1714, p. 336. 



from an Irish port with one of Ireland's Presbyter- 
ian ministers on board, and arrived at Charleston, 
probably in the summer of the year 1714. 

Evidently there were a few Scotch Irish in and 
near Charleston, and on the rich lands between Phil- 
adelphia and Wilmington, at an early date. In New 
York also they held a place, and in the Presbyterian 
churches on Long Island. But in no case did the 
migrations before 1718 have great influence. They 
were, it is true, responses to a spirit of discontent 
and unrest in Ulster, but low rates of transportation- 
on account of trade in tobacco had their force as 

Such were the conditions at the opening of the 
year 1718. Yet we shall see that in less than a dec- 
ade after Boyd and McGregor had set foot in New 
England, the ports of Philadelphia, Newcastle and • 
Charleston were swarming with the Scotch Irish. 
James Logan of Pennsylvania reported in 1727 the 
arrival of eight or nine emigrant ships that autumn, 
and in 1729 six vessels in a single week oame into 

Before the year 1718 the growth of Scotch Irish 
influence and numbers cannot safely be measured by 
the spread of Presbyterianism, yet its early ecclesi- 
astical history is of contributive value. In the year 
1704 or 1705 the ministers who gathered in Philadel- 
phia to ordain and install the Eev. Jedediah 


Andrews of Boston agreed to form a General Pres- 
bytery. These men were : 

Francis Makemie, Eehoboth. 

Nathaniel Taylor, Upper Marlborough. 

John Wilson, Newcastle. 

George McNish, Manokin. 

John Hampton, Snow Hill. 

Samuel Davis, Lewes. 

Jedediah Andrews, Philadelphia. 

Although the Scotch Irish have their full share in 
this list of ministers, the people who listened to their 
sermons were very largely of Scotch and Engli'sh 
ancestry ; and in the next decade their growing fam- 
ilies and the arrival of their friends from abroad 
so increased the number of Presbyterians that in 
1717 the General Presbytery became a Synod with 
four presbyteries, Philadelphia, Newcastle, Snow 
Hill, and Long Island,^ and twenty-nine ministers. 
Twenty years later the number of ministers had 
trebled,^ for the great tide of migration which was 
identified with New England in 1718 soon turned 
toward Philadelphia. 

* See Hodge's Presbyterian Church, 1839, pp. 93-97. 
"Proceedings Presbytery of Baltimore, 1876. 




To understand the conditions in Ulster in 1718 it 
will be necessary to know the Irish Society, or as it 
was called legally The Society of the Governor and 
Assistants of London, of the New Plantation in 
Ulster, in the Kingdom of Ireland. This Society 
held sway over the present county of Londonderry, 
between the rivers Foyle and Bann, leasing or sub- 
letting its valuable rights and privileges to local offi- 
cials. The territory about Coleraine thus came by 
lease into the hands of the Jackson family. Ambi- 
tious to acquire both property and power, they were 
often at odds with the authorities in London, and 
were driven by these conditions to hold their terri- 
tory at excessive rates imposed by the none too 
friendly London directors. In the year 1713 com- 
plaint was made that Mr. William Jackson had three 
uncles who with himself and two tenants were alder- 
men, so that six out of the twelve aldermen of Col- 
eraine obeyed his orders. Five of the twenty-four 
burgesses, or members of the lower house, were his 
tenants, and Mr. Jackson desired to fill a vacancy 
with another tenant of his, living ten miles away at 


Kilrea ; this tenant was moreover brother of a bur- 
gess, and both were sons of Alderman Adams. Thir- 
teen members of the Common Council (which includ- 
ed Aldermen and Burgesses) called upon the mayor 
for a judicial investigation of the matter, but the 
mayor, who was a relative of Jackson's, refused to 
accede to their request although it was made accord- 
ing to the law. This was but the beginning of dis- 
cord in the Bann valley. In 1728 the Society 
expressed dissatisfaction with the Jackson family, 
which had opposed the political interest of the Soci- 
ety, and had through control of the Corporation of 
Coleraine usurped the power to grant lands. 

The long arm which reached out from London had 
no sooner quieted Coleraine, than Derry (the early 
name for Londonderry) was in trouble for disre- 
garding its by-laws. These controversies probably 
had little influence upon the lot of the humbler ten- 
ant except along the Bann where the Jackson sway 
was felt. It was ^^ commonly reported'' that the 
Hon. Eichard Jackson was forced to raise the rents 
of his tenants in order to meet his obligations ; and 
that these tenants, who lived upon lands within the 
jurisdiction of the Clothworkers Company near 
Coleraine, began agitation for the first great Scotch- 
Irish emigration to America.^ 

The larger part of the lands in Ulster had es- 

* Narrative of a Journey to the North of Ireland in the year 
1802, by Robert Slade, Esq., Secretary to the Irish Society. 

i^'S>a 1 1 Y w I ?/o n t /i . 

To rv8w^o>2M2j7ir7rhrc>ovv 


Qar>r\'%na tS<J 

Road Map of the Bann Valley 
From Kilrea to Coleraine via Garvagh and Macosquln Twelve Miles 


cheated io the crown early in the reign of James I, as 
confiscated property of Irish noblemen in rebellion. 
In order to plant a Protestant colony in Ulster the 
Lords of Council placed these lands in the hands of 
wealthy adventurers. That part now known as 
County Londonderry came under the jurisdiction of 
the Corporation of London, and by its officers it was 
divided between twelve of the chief London compa- 
nies or guilds who came forward as * ^ undertakers " 
or promoters of the project. The Irish Society was 
incorporated to have a general control of Derry and 
Coleraine, and of lands not granted to the twelve 
companies. It aided churches and schools, protected 
the settlers, and defended the rights of those who 
had invested in the enterprise. The twelve chief 
companies and their lands were noticed in the report 
of a journey of inspection made by Eobert Slade in 
1802/ They were : 

Ironmongers, about G-arvagh. Including more or 
less of the parishes of Aghadowey, Agivey, Macos- 
quin, Desertoghill, Errigal. 

Clothworhers, about Coleraine. 

From the Atlantic S. E. along the Bann to Kill- 

owen ; included Down Hill. 

Drapers, about Moneymore. 

Grocers, about Muff. Bounded N. by Lough Foyle ; 
S. by BurntoUet river. 

* Early tenants are mentioned in the notes to Pynnar's Survey, 
reprinted in Hill's Plantation in Ulster. 


Goldsmiths, near Londonderry. Bounded N. and W. 
by longh and river Foyle ; S. by Tyrone. 

Vintners, Ballaghy, west of Longh Beg. 

Merchant Tailors, abont Somerset, near Salmon 
Leap. Included most of Macosquin. 

Mercers, near Kilrea. 

Fishmongers, about Walworth, near Lough Foyle. 
^ ^ Alias Ballykelly." 

Skinners, ^' Alias Dungiven." 

Haberdashers, about Newtown Limavady, and Bally- 

Salters, about Magherafelt. 

The charter granted by King James in 1615 was 
in the reign of Charles I annulled in the Court of 
Star Chamber, so that the Society and the twelve 
companies and their subordinate companies, all lost 
their powers. This decree was rescinded under 
Cromwell; and a new charter was granted by 
Charles II in 1662, whereby Derry became known 
legally as Londonderry. It was at this time that 
the control of Londonderry and Coleraine, with the 
fisheries, woods, ferryage, and the right of patron- 
age of the churches, was vested in the Governor and 
Assistants of the Irish Society and not in the several 

This system went far toward established Protes- 
tant power in Ulster. Indeed if the Presbyterians in 

*W. C. Hazlitt's Livery Companies of London, p. 28. 


Ulster had been treated with consideration and wis- 
dom by the leaders of the Irish Established Church, 
and with tact by the government in London, they 
would have had less inclination to brave the ocean 
to inhabit the frontiers of the colonies in America. 
It is evident that the economic changes in Mr. Jack- 
son's territory along the Bann cannot alone explain 
the emigration fever which prevailed on the banks 
of the Foyle. The controlling influences were more 
wide spread and more vital in the lives of the peo- 
ple. They were to some extent economic, but they 
were still more political and religious. A Scot might 
starve in Ireland as peaceably as he was likely to 
do in a strange land beyond the sea, but to be 
thwarted in his views of right and of heaven stirred 
him to action. 

The six years between 1714 and 1719 were notable 
in Ireland for their insufficient rainfall.^ So long a 
period of injury to crops proved more and more dis- 
couraging, not only to those settlers who depended 
upon agriculture, but also to the weavers of flax 
who found the cost of food very high. In 1716 the 
sheep were stricken with a destructive disease known 
as rot, and severe frosts over Europe further crip- 
pled the supply of food. During the spring and 
summer of 1718 **a slow confluent small-pox'' raged 
over Ulster in a malignant form; while the next 
three years brought fevers in the winter months. 

Rutty's "Weather and Seasons." 


These misfortunes affected the Scotch farmer in 
Ulster just as they did the native Irish in Leinster 
or in Munster. The following note on Ireland in 
1716 is from Archbishop King's papers, and it has 
the ring of Dean Swift. It shows, moreover, that 
in Ireland the farmer had to contend with difficul- 
ties that were less marked in England and Scotland. 
'^The common Irish^ are laborious people, and if 
we set aside the holy days their religion injoins, they 
work as hard and as long as any in England. I con- 
fess not with the same success, for they have neither 
the assistance to labour nor the encouragement 
workmen have in England, their poverty wiU not 
furnish them with convenient tools, and so the same 
quantitie of work costs them p 'haps twice the labour 
with which it is p'form'd in England; there are 
many accidental differences that increase their 
labour on them, as, for example, England is already 
enclos 'd, and if a farmer have a mind to keep a field 
for medow, grazing, or plowing, it costs him no more 
but the shutting his gate, but the Irishman must 
fence his whole field every year or leave it in com- 
mon, and the like saving of labour happens in the 
plow utensils in building houses and pViding fire- 
ing. Neither hath the Irishman that encouragement 

* "All persons born in Ireland are called and treated as Irish- 
men although their fathers and grandfathers were born in Eng- 
land." — Swift to Earl of Peterborough, 1726, quoted in A great 
archbishop of Dublin, William King (1906), p. 283. 


to labour as there is in England, he has no markett 
for his manufactories, if he build a good house or 
inclose his grounds, to be sure he must raise his rent 
or turn out at the end of a short lease. These and 
many other considerations make the Irishman's case 
very pitifull, and ought, as seems to me, to move 
compassion rather than anger or a severe condemna- 
tion. Upon the whole I do not see how Ireland can 
on the p'sent foot pay greater taxes than it does 
without starving the inhabitants and leaving them 
entirely without meat or clothes. They have already 
given their bread, their flesh, their butter, their 
shoes, their stockings, their beds, their house fur- 
niture and houses to pay their landlords and taxes. 
I cannot see how any more can be got from them, 
except we take away their potatoes and butter milk, 
or flay them and sell their skins. '^^ 

The people suffered also from the devotion of the 
great landlords to grazing, due to the profit to be 
obtained from contraband trade in wool, and from 
the sale of salted meat. Farm buildings gradually 
disappeared or fell into decay and the herder with 
his dog wandered over the desolate fields. Leases 
forbade the use of the plow, and grain had to be 
imported because Ireland did not supply enough to 
satisfy the demand even at high prices. Archbishop 
Boulter who, with King, and that other brilliant 

^From (Great Britain) Royal Commission on Historical Manu- 
scripts, second report, London, 1874, pp. 256-257. 


churchman, Dean Swift, strove incessantly for leg- 
islation to make Ireland prosper, wrote to the Arch- 
bishop of Canterbury in 1727 that more tillage must 
be demanded of the landowner. The Irish House of 
Commons had tried in 1716 and again in 1719 to 
interest the England Parliament in a bill of this 
nature. Boulter writes to the Archbishop of Can- 
terbury in February, 1727: — - 

* ^ There is part of another bill which will go over, 
that is of great consequence to this kingdom; the 
title of the act is, I think, an act to prevent frauds, 
&c. in buying corn, &c. and to encourage tillage. 

^ * It is the latter part of this bill about tillage that 
is of great moment here. The bill does not encour- 
age tillage by allowing any premium to the exporters 
of corn, but barely obliges every person occupying 
100 acres or more (meadows, parks, bogs, &c. ex- 
cepted) to till five acres out of every 100 ; and so in 
proportion for every greater quantity of land they 
occupy. And to make the law have some force, it 
sets the tenant at liberty to do this, notwithstanding 
any clause in his lease to the contrary. "We have 
taken care to provide in the bill, that the tenant shall 
not be able to burnbeat any ground in virtue of this 
act; and since he is tyed up from that, and from 
ploughing meadows, &c. the people skilled in hus- 
bandry say, he cannot hurt the land though he should 
go round the 100 acres in 20 years. 

**I find my Lord Trevor objected to a bill we sent 


from council that this was a breaking of private 
contracts, and invading property: but I think that 
nothing, since the lessor receives no damage by it, 
and the publick is very much benefitted; and this 
is no more than what is done every session in Eng- 
land, where rivers are made navigable or commons 
inclosed; and in many road bills. 

*'I shall now acquaint your Grace with the great 
want we are in of this bill : our present tillage falls 
very short of answering the demands of this nation, 
which occasions our importing corn from England 
and other places ; and whilst our poor have bread to 
eat, we do not complain of this; but by tilling so 
little, if our crop fails, or yields indifferently, our 
poor have not money to buy bread. This was the 
case in 1725 and last year, and without a prodigious 
crop, will be more so this year. When I went my 
visitation last year, barley in some inland places, 
sold for 6 5. a bushel to make bread of ; and oatmeal 
(which is the bread of the north) sold for twice or 
thrice the usual price ; and we met all the roads full 
of whole families that had left their homes to beg 
abroad, since their neighbors had nothing to relieve 
them with. And as the winter subsistance of the 
poor is chiefly potatoes, this scarcity drove the poor 
to begin with their potatoes before they were full 
grown, so that they have lost half the benefit of them, 
and have spent their stock about two months sooner 
than usual ; and oatmeal is at this distance from har- 


vest, in many parts of this kingdom three times the 
customary price ; so that this summer must be more 
fatal to us than the last; when I fear many hun- 
dreds perished by famine. 

**Now the occasion of this evil is, that many per- 
sons have hired large tracts of land, on to 3 or 4000 
acres, and have stocked them with cattle, and have 
no other inhabitants on their land than so many cot- 
tiers as are necessary to look after their sheep and 
black cattle; so that in some of the finest counties, 
in many places there is neither house nor corn field 
to be seen in 10 or 15 miles travelling : and daily in 
some counties, many gentlemen (as their leases fall 
into their hands) tye up their tenants from tillage: 
and this is one of the main causes why so many ven- 
ture to go into foreign service at the hazard of their 
lives, if taken, because they can get no land to till 
at home. And if some stop be not put to this evil, 
we must daily decrease in the numbers of our people. 

*^But we hope if this tillage bill takes place, to 
keep our youth at home, to employ our poor, and not 
be in danger of a famine among the poor upon any 
little miscarriage in our harvest. And I hope these 
are things of greater consequence than the breaking 
through a lease, so far as concerns ploughing five 
acres in a hundred."^ 

After a potato famine from which many hun- 

* Letters by Hugh Boulter to several Ministers of State, Oxford, 
1769, Vol. 1, pp. 220-223. 


dreds of the peasants died of starvation the English 
Council at last consented, avowedly for the benefit of 
the poor, to cancel the prohibitory clause in leases 
so that a small part of each farm should be plowed/ 

Two industries in the counties of Antrim and Lon- 
donderry changed the character of the misfortunes 
of the settlers there, although it cannot be said that 
they warded off trouble. The Scotch in Ulster should 
have been prosperous even in years when other 
provinces of Ireland starved. But the industries of 
Ireland were crushed out at the behest of English 
merchants by laws favorable to home products. 

The farms in Ulster were small, each having its 
field of potatoes. The soil was enriched by manure 
and lime, and after the crop of potatoes had been 
gathered the flax was sown, perhaps a bushel of seed 
by a family.^ Each farm had also its bleaching 
green where the flax fibres were whitened in the sun, 
the drying season lasting for more than half the 

All that has to do with the flax plant must be of 
interest to lovers of Ulster. When the seed had pro- 
duced the graceful fields of flax, the women of the 
household kept down the weeds until the pretty blue 
petals had opened and had in turn given way to rip- 
ening seed-pods. The plants then were pulled or 
' ' plucked ' ' in small handf uls and * * bogged. ' ' * * And 

* I George II, Chapter 10. 

'Arthur Young's Tour in Ireland, August, 1776. 


why do you bog it, Larry T' asked Mrs. Hall, who 
was familiar with flax culture from childhood. 

'*Is it why we bog it, dear? — Why then, you see, 
we must all pass through the waters of tribulation 
to be purified, and so must the flax — the bad you see, 
and the good, in that small plant is glued together, 
and the water melts the glue, so that they divide — 
and that's the sense of it, dear I'' 

The plants were held in water by heavy stones — 
in running water if the fibres were to be good in 
color, although the processes of decay went on more 
rapidly in stagnant water. Sometimes they were 
laid out in the fields until a season's grass had grown 
up about and through them. In due time they were 
gathered and dried in the open air or over a fire. 
The coarse brown stalks were then slowly drawn 
over an upright post or chair-back and beaten inch 
by inch, this being the *^ scutching" process. The. 
stalks in the next process were cleaned and split 
by rude combs of varying coarseness, and known as 
hackles. The task was tiresome and dirty, so that 
an itinerant workman usually did this part of the 
labor, going from cabin to cabin with his store of 
Dublin news and neighborhood gossip. The rough 
fibres were then subjected to many scaldings and 
dryings, until the bleaching greens began at last to 
appear white with the harvest of flax. 

A century ago the hand loom produced finer linen 
yarn than any that came from the mill. In 1815 Cath- 


erine Woods of Dunmore near Ballynaliincli, a girl 
of fifteen, spun yarn wHcli gave 2,520,000 yards to 
tlie avoirdupois pound of flax, requiring but 17 
pounds, 6 ounces, 3% drams of flax to go entirely 
around the earth.^ 

This industry of spinning and weaving was car- 
ried to America by many thousands of emigrants 
during half a century which preceded the Eevolu- 
tionary war. It brought fame and comforts to the 
Scotch Irish towns both north and south.^ After 
young Jerry Smith of Peterborough in New Hamp- 
shire, the future congressman, had acquired a little 
book learning he chided his mother one day for her 
unf amiliarity with the rudiments of grammar. Mrs. 
Smith who had borne ten children in twelve years, 
besides cooking and mending, digging sixteen bush- 
els of potatoes in a day, and earning money by spin- 
ning to educate her boys, replied somewhat warmly : 
**But wha taught you langage? It was my wheel; 
and when ye '11 hae spun as many lang threeds to 
teach me grammar as I hae to teach you, I'll talk 
better grammar ! ' '® 

The catching of salmon in the waters of the Bann 

*Mr. and Mrs. S. C. Hall's Ireland, new edition, Vol. 3, pp. 

'Archibald Thompson of Abington and Bridgewater is said to 
have made the first spinning foot-wheel of New England manu- 
facture — a statement diflScult of proof. He died in 1776 at the 
age of eighty-five. 

■Morison's Life of Judge Smith, p. 5. 


and the Foyle was a great Ulster industry, and the 
early settlers of Londonderry in New Hampshire 
must have known its every detail, for many of them 
had lived near the ** Salmon Leap" on the Bann. 
About the middle of August the salmon spawned in 
all the streams that are tributary to the Bann and 
the Foyle. As soon as they could swim they went 
down to the sea. In January, when they began to 
return to fresh water, their weight often exceeded 
ten pounds. A year later their weight had doubled 
and they were ready for the market. It was natural 
that the Nutfield settlers should ask the American 
Indians where they could go for the catching of fish. 
This was an important occupation; but the linen 
manufacture was more wide spread, and many of the 
Scotch Irish who made their wills in America styled 
themselves '^weavers.'' The industry succeeded 
the woolen manufacture which had been ruined in 
1698 by an English law that forbade export of wool- 
ens from Ireland except to England and Wales.^ 

The linen industry had one unfortunate circum- 
stance peculiar to all manufacture. Depending to a 
large extent upon foreign markets for its success, it 
had years of great prosperity followed by others of 
ruinous inactivity, and the causes of these fluctua- 
tions, whether economic or political, lay wholly out- 
side Ireland and beyond her control. When a period 
of depression was concurrent with the expiration of 

*10 and 11 William III, Chapter 10 (English). 








M M 

"^ M 
O H 






many leases, as once happened on Lord Donegal's 
Antrim estates, tlie people emigrated in great num- 
bers to America. Arthur Young has an instructive 
paragraph on this point : ^ ^ It is the misfortune of all 
manufacture worked for a foreign market to be upon 
an insecure footing ; periods of declension will come, 
and when in consequence of them great numbers of 
people are out of employment, the best circumstance 
is their enlisting in the army or navy ; and it is the 
common result ; but unfortunately the manufacture 
in Ireland, is not confined, as it ought to be, to towns, 
but spreads into all cabins of the country. Being 
half farmers, half manufacturers, they have too 
much property in cattle, &c., to enlist when idle; if 
they convert it into cash it will enable them to pay 
their passage to America, an alternative always 
chosen in preference to the military life. ' '^ 

It has often been said that the landlords in Ireland 
were always too much embarrassed financially to 
retain a Protestant tenantry. The highest bidder 
was usually an Irishman. Loving Ireland he did not 
wish to emigrate, and felt compelled to get the lease, 
even if the price was beyond his power to pay. He 
would share a single Scotch or English farmer's 
land with six or seven of his countrymen, all ekeing 
out a miserable existence; and when the unsuccess- 
ful Protestant bidder was far away clearing the New 
England field for planting, his Irish successors were 

^ Pinkerton's Voyages, London, 1809, Vol. 3, p. 869. 


ready to abandon the land they had obtained at an 
impossible rental/ Never over a third and often 
not over a fifth of the profit went to the tiller of the 
soil,^ and the slightest misfortune reduced the profit 
to the laborer below the point of subsistence. Arch- 
bishop King in a letter to Archbishop Wake, June 
2, 1719, sums up the matter from the point of view of 
a churchman who loved Ireland. 

'^Some would insinuate that this is in some meas- 
ure due to the uneasiness dissenters have in the 
matter of religion, but this is plainly a mistake ; for 
dissenters were never more easy as to that matter 
than they have been since the Eevolution, & are at 
present: & yet they never thought of leaving the 
kingdom, till oppressed by excessive [rents 1 ] & 
other temporal hardships: nor do only dissenters 
leave us, but proportionately of all sorts, except 
Papists. The truth of the case is this: after the 
Eevolution, most of the kingdom was waste, & 
abundance of the people destroyed by the war : the 
landlords therefore were glad to get tenants at any 
rate, & set their lands at very easy rents ; this invited 
abundance of people to come over here, especially 
from Scotland, & they have lived here very happily 
ever since ; but now their leases are expired, & they 
obliged not only to give what was paid before the 
Eevolution, but in most places double & in many 

* Sir L. Parsons in 1793. Also Archbishop King's Life, p. 301. 
^ Boulter's Letters, Vol. 1, p. 292. 


places treble, so that it is impossible for people to 
live or subsist on their farms. "^ 

Add to these conditions a scarcity of small coin 
whereby the money required to pay the humble spin- 
ner for his yarn or the farmer for his produce cost 
the merchant over one and a half per cent f and the 
attempts in England to cripple the linen industry,^ 
and we are not surprised that the desire to emi- 
grate passed over the land like a fever. Letters like 
the following show that Archbishop King, at the 
very outset of the great migration, was doing his 
best by eloquent appeal to awaken the English con- 
science. He wrote February 6, 1717-18 to the Arch- 
bishop of Canterbury: ^^I find likewise that your 
Parliament is destroying the little Trade that is left 
us. These & other Discouragements are driving 
away the few Protestants that are amongst us ; inso- 
much that last year some Thousands of Families are 
gone to the West Indies. No Papists stir except 
young men that go abroad to be trained to arms, 
with Intention to return with the Pretender. The 
Papists being already five or six to one, & a breed- 
ing People, you may imagine in what conditions we 
are like to be. I may farther observe that the Pa- 
pists being made incapable to purchase Lands, have 
turn'd themselves to Trade, & already engrossed 
almost all the Trade of the Kingdom. ' '* 

^King's Life, p. 301. 

''Boulter to Newcastle, 1728; Letters, Vol. 1, p. 252. 

» King to Archbishop of Canterbury, January 18, 1722-23. 

* King's Life, p. 207, 


Trade between the British Isles and the American 
colonies went very largely to the Delaware and 
Chesapeake Bay. Tobacco-laden ships sailed for 
Dublin, Liverpool, Belfast or Glasgow ; returning to 
America with trifling cargoes of dress-goods, farm 
tools, and similar necessities, they gladly added to 
their revenues by transporting an occasional set- 
tler. There were few large parties of emigrants; 
if we except those who went to Williamsburg in 
South Carolina, few came to the South through con- 
certed action until toward the middle of the eight- 
eenth century. Few were led by ministers, but when 
they had settled along the banks of Christiana Creek, 
the Octorara, or the Neshaminy, they accepted min- 
isters who had come to serve English Presbyterians, 
or they sent to Ireland for others. 

The relations between New England and Ireland, 
on the other hand, were almost entirely intellectual 
and religious. There was no intercourse in trade 
to stimulate colonization. The migration of 1718 
was so thoroughly a deliberate undertaking, clearly 
conceived and organized, that an agent was sent out 
to prepare the way. Ships were chartered for the 
voyage and their holds were filled with the house- 
hold goods of the Bann Valley emigrants. It was 
this initiative in 1718 which led to an active but 
short-lived passenger trade between Irish ports and 
Boston. In this enterprise the Rev. William Homes 's 
son, Captain Robert Homes, played a considerable 


part. The next year the more favorable conditions 
for settlement south and west of Philadelphia began 
to turn a large part of the traffic away from New 
England to Pennsylvania, and the Carolinas. This 
passenger traffic grew so rapidly that merchandise 
which had been of primary importance in Ulster's 
trade with the Sonth ceased to be vital to the success 
of a voyage across the ocean. 



ULSTEE, 1714-1718 

We now turn to the political oppression whicli was 
another cause for discontent in northern Ireland. In 
the early days of the London settlement and the 
succeeding Scotch migration when linen to 06 the 
place of woolen, the new settlers felt that superior- 
ity which men who have a strong government behind 
them are wont to feel. They were independent, and 
even contemptuous of ^^the mere Irish." Under 
Cromwell they grew in strength until there were 
about eighty churches represented in the presbytery. 
With the return of Charles II, religious and political 
restrictions began to be felt. In Ulster sixty-one 
ministers were ejected from their churches, and 
curates were appointed to conduct Episcopal serv- 
ices; uniformity in church worship again became 
a dogma of the State. 

It must not be assumed that the disabilities under 
which Presbyterians in Ireland labored were pecul- 
iar to the time or place. It was held by many to be 
for the best interest of the State that people should 
worship God in the accustomed way; and in Queen 


Elizabeth's time^ all persons had been commanded 
to attend church on Sundays and holy days where 
the Book of Common Prayer was used. This was no 
more tyrannical than the policy of the non-conform- 
ing assembly in Scotland, which was to induce Crom- 
well to make the Presbyterian religion paramount 
in England,^ nor more exacting than the aim of the 
Presbyterians in Ireland who, as soon as they felt 
their strength, asked to have the army under Pres- 
byterian influences only. The same strong spirit 
prevailed in early orthodox New England ; and the 
present large but empty churches there, with ample 
but idle horsesheds, testify to a more effective and 
perhaps more wholesome spiritual and social life 
in country towns of old under the despotism of Cot- 
ton Mather and his immediate successors. 

Eoman Catholic supremacy in Ireland under 
James II came to an end with the arrival of William 
and Mary in 1688. In 1691 Parliament decreed® 
that the statute of Queen Elizabeth's time relating 
to uniformity of church services should not apply 
to Ireland, thus permitting attendance at non-con- 
formist chapels. After January 1, 1691-2, all candi- 
dates for civil, military and ecclesiastical offices were 
to take oaths of allegiance to the royal family, and 

^2 Elizabeth 2, Section 3; also 35 Elizabeth 1. 
^ See life of the Rev. Robert Blair, in Dictionary of National 
«3 William and Mary, Chapter 2. (English Statutes.) 



to make declarations against transubstantiation in 
the mass, and adoration of the Virgin Mary, provi- 
sions intended to bar Roman Catholics from office. 
Dissenters now had liberty to worship in their own 
chapels, and were not compelled to partake of the 
Lord's Supper according to the rites of the Estab- 
lished chnrch in order to hold office. But they still 
had disabilities which could be made to bear heavily 

Pbesbyterian Meeting House at Dungannon, County Tyrone 

Built Before the Tear 1725 

upon them ; indeed if the magistrate chose, they suf- 
fered more than the Roman Catholics. The Synod 
which met at Antrim in 1698 declared its grievances 
to be an inability in many places to bury the dead 
until the Established service had been read, the 
requirement that school-masters partake of the 
Lord's Supper according to the customary rites, 
and the pressure to serve as church-wardens. In 
1699 the Synod being asked for advice as to mar- 
riages decided that ministers had better continue to 


perform the ceremony *'in an orderly way/' as of 
old. In 1710 the Synod decided that it might be wise 
in some places to leave the performance of the cere- 
mony to the Episcopal clergy. In the second year 
of Queen Anne's reign (1703) a penal statute was 
carried by the help of the Bishops,^ and they ob- 
tained in return for their support the introduction of 
a clause compelling in Ireland the sacramental test 
for office holders. This Irish Test Act seems to have 
been used unscrupulously as a weapon to place the 
Presbyterians on a level of disability with the Roman 
Catholics. Their ministers were almost everywhere 
turned out of their pulpits or threatened with legal 
proceedings. Dissenters were debarred from teach- 
ing schools and the legality of their marriages was 
denied. In 1716 Samuel Smith, Jr., and John Kyle 
of Belfast were called upon to defend their mar- 
riages in court. These were test cases, followed 
however by others. The Synod determined to stand 
by the defendants with the church's funds, but 
threats from prominent supporters of the denom- 
ination to withhold contributions in the future if the 
course were persisted in, caused the Synod to aban 
don the attempt to uphold its claims in this way. 

The Eegium Donum, an annual government gift to 
non-conformist clergy in Ireland, in recognition of 
the Protestant defence of Ulster in 1688, was sus- 
pended. In short the hardships inflicted under this 

* C. G. Walpole's History of the Knigdom of Ireland, p. 359, 


law of Queen Anne from 1703 to 1719 had nmch to do 
with the migration to New England. 

The Government found it impossible to pass a 
more moderate act to quiet discontent until vacan- 
cies in the ranks of the bishops could be filled by 
more tolerant men, and the Toleration Act^ of 1719 
was the first measure of relief that could be obtained. 
The oath still required loyalty to a King when 
excommunicated by the Pope; and the customary 
provisions to disfranchise Roman Catholics, namely : 
a declaration that in the Sacrament of the Lord^s 
Supper there is no transubstantiation of the elements 
of bread and wine into the body and blood of Christ, 
and that the adoration of the Virgin Mary and other 
saints, and Sacrifice of the Mass are superstitious 
and idolatrous. There were exemptions for dis- 
senters who did not favor baptism in infancy, and 
for Quakers, and there was no requirement to attend 
the Lord 's Supper ; but the thirteenth article of the 
act shut out all from its benefits who did not believe 
in the Trinity. This article struck a blow at Presby- 
terian Antrim which was just then divided over the 
doctrine of Christ's divinity, and weakened the non- 
conformist strength, although the act was con- 
sidered by Archbishop King *'such a wide Tolera- 
tion as ... is not precedented in the whole 
Earth.'' King George pressed the measure vigor- 
ously and the clergy which had been transplanted 

^6 George I, Chapter 5. 


from England helped to pass it through the Irish 

This concession did little to allay the fever for 
migration to America, which by 1728 aroused the 
fears of Archbishop Boulter of Armagh, and occa- 
sioned a series of letters, chiefly of defence against 
the charge that excessive tythes rather than rents 
caused the exodus. Extracts from these letters fol- 
low, but it should be recalled that their author was 
not so much in sympathy with Ireland as was Arch- 
bishop King of Dublin.^ 

Archbishop Boulter, writing to Lord Carteret 
from Dublin, March 8, 1728, says: *'I do not doubt 
but some persons in the North may have been 
oppressed by the farmers of tythes. But I have 
at every visitation I have held had as great com- 
plaints from the clergy of the hardships put upon 
them by the people, in coming at their just dues, as 
the people can make of being any ways oppressed 
by the clergy or their tythe farmers, and I believe 
with as much reason. 

'^As to the expensiveness of the Spiritual courts 
which they complain of, that will be very much 
avoided by the act passed last sessions for the more 
easy recovery of the tythes of small value. And 

^ Relief from many of the penalties of Queen Anne's act came in 
1737 (11 George II, Chapter 10), when Presbyterian marriages 
were declared legal, and in 1755, when dissenters were permitted 
to hold commissions in the militia. 


indeed the gentlemen have, ever since I came hither, 
been putting it into the heads of their tenants, that 
it was not their rents, but the paying of the tythes 
that made them find it hard to live on their farms. 
And it is easy to see that this was a notion that 
would readily take with Scotch presbyterians.'' In 
a letter to the Bishop of London^ the Archbishop 
contends that if the rent is doubled that implies that 
the value of the tythe is doubled ; so the archbishop 
throws the responsibility on the landlord. The 
growth of the country after the wars of 1688 un- 
doubtedly warranted somewhat higher rents. He 
continues: ^^It is not the tythe but the increased 
rent that undoes the farmer. And indeed in this 
country, where I fear the tenant hardly ever has 
more than one third of the profits he makes of his 
farm for his share and too often but a fourth or 
perhaps a fifth part, as the tenant 's share is charged 
with the tythe, his case is no doubt hard, but it is 
plain from what side the hardship arises. . . . 
When they find they have 7 or 8 £ to pay, they run 
away: for the greatest part of the occupiers of the 
land here are so poor, that an extraordinary stroke of 
8 or 10 £ [judgment] falling on them, is certain ruin 
to them." 

In a letter to the Duke of Newcastle, written from 
Dublin March 13, 1728, Boulter shows what efforts 
were made to better the conditions of the moment, 

^ Boulter's Letters, Vol. 1, pp. 291-293, 297. 


but lie could scarcely have expected to upbuild the 
commercial well-being of Ireland, whatever influ- 
ence he might have had, without the enactment of 
new laws relating to religious and political equal- 
ity of dissenter and Episcopalian. He writes : 

**The humour of going to America still continues, 
and the scarcity of provisions certainly makes many 
quit us : there are now seven ships at Belfast that 
are carrying off about 1000 passengers thither : and 
if we knew how to stop them, as most of them can 
neither get victuals nor work at home, it would be 
cruel to do it: 

**We have sent for 2400 quarters of rye from Con- 
ingshery; when they arrive which will probably 
be about the middle of May, we hope the price of 
things will fall considerably in the north, and we 
suppose they will mend pretty much when our sup- 
plies arrive from Munster.'' 

The Established Church in Ireland was fortunate 
in having several leaders during this period who 
were able administrators, and conscious of their 
duty toward Ireland. Archbishops King and Boul- 
ter showed by their correspondence a lively sense of 
the deplorable condition of the people, both spirit- 
ually and as to their worldly estate. They also 
strove to bring the clergy to a higher plane. In 1714 
King remonstrated with Dr. Ashe, Bishop of 
Clogher, for his long years of absence from Ireland, 
on the ground that his conduct justified the reproach 


of Mr. Boyse, the famous Presbyterian, that his 
bishopric was **oiily a pompous sinecure."^ King 
himself gives some explanation of this unfortunate 
habit of the clergy when he says that there was 
little learning in Ireland and one could do no 
more than eat, drink and sleep.^ 

The archbishop felt handicapped in trying to rival 
the Presbyterian influence in the North by the prac- 
tice of the rector who lived abroad, leaving his par- 
ish work to be done by a poorly paid curate. He 
writes : 

* ' The people of the North have a peculiar aversion 
to curates, & call them hirelings ; the difference in 
point of success amongst them is visible, between a 
grave resident minister that lives amongst his peo- 
ple, & spends part of what he receives from them in 
the place, & a poor curate' that is not able to keep 
himself from contempt. . . . The people of the 
North do not grudge their tithes to the clergy, 
though they pay more than all the other provinces, 
because their landlords or the clergy must have 
them ; the first must spend them in London or Dub- 
lin, whereas the clergy spend them on the place. . . . 
But if the clergy live in Dublin, 'tis as good for the 
people landlords had the tithes. ... In short, the 
world begins to look on us as a parcel of men that 
have invented a trade for our easy and convenient 
living. ' '^ 

^A great archbishop of Dublin, William King (1906), p. 249. 

=^King, p. 227. 

* King to the Bishop of Clogher, 1704. 


In behalf of the clergy it must be said that they 
were more devoted than the landlords, and a fourth 
or fifth of the resident justices were taken from the 
clerical ranks because no other men of education 
and standing were to be found in those communities, 
if we except the Presbyterian ministers who were 
barred by law from holding the office. 

Archbishop King was so devoted to Ireland that 
Boulter was chosen with a view to counteracting his 
influence. King was no less devoted to his church. 
He went from town to town in his ** parish visita- 
tion, ' ' exhorting his clergy to hold conferences with 
dissenters to bring them to conformity, making ad- 
dresses to the public which *^ seemed to flow from the 
occasion, rather than by design," and obtaining 
results which seemed to him encouraging.^ 

King, in his struggle with the Scotch in Ulster, 
wrote a v6ry able book which caused a bitter contro- 
versy for a generation, covering the period before 
the migration of 1718. The book bore the title **A 
discourse concerning the Inventions of Men in the 
Worship of Grod,'' and attempted to prove that the 
Presbyterians, who prided themselves on their devo- 
tion to Scripture, worshipped in direct opposition 
to its mandates, and rarely read it in their meetings. 
When the book appeared in print they were, as he 
said, *4rate and excited almost to fury." The Eev. 
Joseph Boyse of Dublin, a grandson of Matthew 

*King, p. 35. 


Boyse wlio lived for a time at Rowley in New Eng- 
land, and the Rev. Robert Craighead, whose son 
migrated to New England and Pennsylvania, replied 
at great length. King had charged the Presbyterians 
with failure to attend public worship regularly, 
with neglect of the celebration of the Lord^s Sup- 
per, and with being contented with scant instruc- 
tion in Christian principles. Boyse, as the ablest 
of several defenders of the dissenters, made the best 
attempt to refute these charges. The dissenters felt 
the weakness of their Bible training, but so many 
ministers had been admitted to preach with insuffi- 
cient education that it was difficult to raise the 
requirements. The proposition to have candidates 
for the ministry study the Psalter in Hebrew came 
before the Synod year after year and failed to pass. 
Finally Hebrew was deemed necessary, and in 1709 
and 1710 the Synods voted that the Rev, Fulk White 
of Braid be paid £10 a year for teaching Hebrew. 
Candidates for the ministry were urged, also, to 
study the New Testament in the original Greek. 

Archbishop King by the publication of his book 
started a discussion which undoubtedly awakened 
the minds of the people, and must have done good. 
He said, ^ * Our people, who before almost in silence 
endured the scoffings and continual disputations of 
the dissenters, their ears deafened with frequent 
arguments, and scornful attacks; neither in meet- 
ings, drinking parties, nor feasts, could they any- 


where rest, but conquered and helpless, remained 
silent; now reviving as with new spirits, and in 
their turn attacking the adversaries/'^ 

It must be granted that the Established church, 
even with its endowments, had a difficult field for its 
labor. The Roman Catholics dominated the lower 
provinces, and in Ulster the Scotch Presbyterians 
outnumbered the English Episcopalians, while 
together the Protestants scarcely exceeded the 
Roman Catholic population. The ^^estated gentle- 
men" largely belonged to the Established church, 
and it was feared that their dissenting tenants, if 
granted privileges, would transfer their loyalty from 
landlord to dissenting minister. While the dominant 
class did not have the courage to be generous, it is 
not unfair to assume also that the Presbyterians 
were at times strangers to conciliation. 

In an address which came before the House of 
Lords at Dublin in 1711, relating to the '^disturb- 
ance of the peace'' at Drogheda by two Presbyteri- 
ans who wished to gather a church, the following 
charges are made: 

1. Dissenters have refused to take apprentices 
that will not covenant to go to their meetings. 

2. When in a majority in Corporations they ex- 
cluded all not of their persuasion. 

3. They oblige those of their Communion married 
by our Liturgy to do publick Penance. 

^ King, p. 38, Quaedam. 


4. Episcopal order hath been stiled Anti-Scrip- 
tural; our worship called superstitious & idola- 

5. Ministers openly and violently assaulted. Al- 
though Episcopalians have endeavored, by gentle 
Usage, to melt them down into a more soft and com- 
plying temper. 

6. They seek to enlarge their borders by misap- 
plying that Bounty of £1200 a year, extended to 
them for charitable purposes : — 

to the propagation of schism, 
to maintain agents, 

to support lawsuits against the church, 
to form seminaries to the poisoning of the prin- 
ciples of our youth, 

to set up synods and judicatories. 

The most unfortunate result, however, of a con- 
tentious spirit among Irish Presbyterians appeared 
when shades of belief became through violent de- 
bates among themselves the source of irreconcilable 
feuds, to be maintained with Scotch stubbornness. 

Presbyterianism, which should have been strong 
in Ulster, was by virtue of its Scotch origin deprived 
of its united force through the great theological 
schism of the time: in other words, through the 
ascendancy of what we should now call Unitarian- 
ism, or the growing disinclination of ministers to 
subscribe to the Westminster Confession. 

















The master mind of this time in Scottish theology 
was Professor Simson, who began his instruction 
in Divinity at Glasgow a century after the death of 
the Dutch theologian Arminius, that is in 1708. His 
liberal views were espoused by Professor Hamilton 
at Edinburgh, and by a leader in Ulster thought, 
the Eev. John Abernethy of Antrim in Ireland. 
Abernethy, a friend of Simson, founded the Belfast 
Society which rapidly gained prominence as the sup- 
porter of ministers in Ireland who would not sub- 
scribe to the Westminster Confession. In 1707 a 
minister in the Synod of Aberdeen had been sus- 
pended for asserting that virtue was more natural 
to man than vice. The opposition of Arminius to the 
doctrine that God had selected his chosen few for 
the Kingdom of Heaven, leaving by predestination 
the unfortunate and sinful majority of mankind to 
an eternity in hell, became the basis of the liberal 
movement under Simson and the younger clergy 
of western Scotland and Ulster. In their platform 
were many beliefs that have since then influenced all 
creeds : that man is naturally able through his own 
powers to seek saving grace ; that corruption which 
overcame the soul's purity was due to the body 
inherited from Adam; that the wish for happiness 
should inspire Christian living; that effective pun- 
ishment for sin must be eternal, but that infants 
would be saved, and even the heathen would be 
judged according to their opportunity for light. 


And, most important of all, the elect would, it was 
hoped, outnumber the damned/ 

"With these liberalizing theories went a change in 
preaching. Dogma became less important than con- 
duct, and the younger ministers turned to ethics and 
morality for their themes, drifting away from the 
homely exhortation to worship and follow Christ. 
The ^* non-subscribers" to the Westminster Con- 
fession were joined to the Presbytery of Antrim, and 
then in 1726 were made independent. In 1736, after 
years of bitter discord, the Assembly ruled that 
ministers insist on supernatural revelation, that they 
base their sermons on Grospel subjects and ^4et their 
hearers know that they must first be grafted into 
Christ as their root before their fruit can be savoury 
unto God.'' County Antrim was a theological bat- 
tle-ground during these opening years of the eight- 
eenth century when the doctrinal articles were by 
many abandoned. 

The theological disputes of the time left their im- 
press upon the emigrants to America. To them 
religion was a vital subject, for constant thought 
and frequent discussion. In New England this earn- 
est discussion grew into a spirit of discord which 
weakened the Presbyterian influence there. At the 
South the Presbyterians were of a milder temper, 
possibly because their greater numbers gave them 
less provocation to religious contention; possibly 

* See Mathieson's Scotland and the Union, p. 224. 


also because the milder English Presbyterianism had 
taken root early, and made itself felt even when the 
Scotch Irish had overrnn the country. 

Their devotion to self-government made them the 
pioneers in the movement for political independ- 
ence. Eeferring to the Mecklenburg declaration a 
North Carolinian once said: ^^Och, aye, Tam Polk 
declared independence lang before anybody else!" 
This Colonel **Tam" or Thomas was the great uncle 
of President Polk. He was a leader among the 
Scotch Irish of North Carolina, and the opening 
paragraph of the *' Declaration'' which he read from 
the steps of the Court-house in Charlotte on a May 
afternoon in 1775 exhibits the courage of the race 
from Ireland. These are the opening words which 
he read : 

'^Resolved, That whosoever directly or indirectly 
abetted, or in any way, form, or manner, counte- 
nanced the unchartered and dangerous invasion of 
our rights, as claimed by Great Britain, is an enemy 
to this country — to America — and to the inherent 
and inalienable rights of man. ' ' 

As the reading continued, and Colonel Polk's 
voice declared for a dissolution of the political bonds 
with the mother country, ^^that nation who have 
wantonly trampled on our rights and liberties, and 
inhumanly shed the blood of American patriots at 
Lexington," there was breathless silence followed by 
loud and long cheers. The Polks from Donegal were 
doing their part in America. 


The Scotch Irish puzzled the traveller. Crevecoeur^ 
speaks of the varying ability and thrift shown by the 
settlers. He adds: ^'One would think on so small 
an island an Irishman must be an Irishman, yet it is 
not so; they are different in their aptitude to, and 
in their love of labour. ' ' 

If the Scotch Irish differed from the Irish they 
were not more like the Germans. The fundamental 
reason was a racial one, although the Scotch Irish 
selected slaty lands along the river banks where the 
soil is less productive than the lime-stone formations 
chosen by the Germans.^ If we study the bio- 
graphical dictionary, however, to compare Scotch 
Irish civic achievement with German participation 
in public life, we shall find the slaty field obstructed 
by stumps a more productive nursery of statesmen 
than the well-cleared field of loam that delighted the 
German heart. 

* Letters from an American Farmer, N. Y. 1904, p. 83. 
'Faust's German element, 1909, Vol. 1, p. 132. See also B. 
Rush's Essays, 1798, pp. 224, 228. 



The migration from the vicinity of Londonderry 
and from northern Tyrone to New England was 
mnch influenced by two Presbyterian ministers who 
had emigrated from Ireland a short time before, and 
were in sympathy with the Rev. Cotton Mather in 
his desire for the settlement of Protestant families 
from Ulster. 

William Homes, the first of these ministers, was 
born in the north of Ireland in 1663, of a family 
which had been of consequence there for several gen- 
erations. There was a Thomas Homes at Strabane, 
County Tyrone, in 1619 ; and at the time of which 
we write another Rev. William Homes, living at 
Urney, a few miles south of Strabane, was so well 
known that our William was called *'the meek'' to 
distinguish him.^ 

He had a happy combination of gentleness and 
ability which made his career in the ministry less 
eventful than that of the second minister referred 
to above, the Rev. Thomas Craighead. The boy 

* William Homes, Junior, of Urney was ordained in 1696, and 
was probably a cousin. 



Homes was carefully educated, and about 1686 he 
came over to Martha's Vineyard where he obtained 
a position to teach school. His teaching was accept- 
able, and he was urged to remain there, but a desire 
to preach led him in July, 1691, to return to Ire- 
land. He was reported from Lagan meeting in 1692 
as ^'on trial in order to ordination,'' and having 
gone through his second trials he was ordained De- 
cember 21, 1692, as pastor of a church at Strabane 

Holy Hill House, Steabane, Countpt Tyeone 
Standing when the Rev. William Homes preached at Strabane 

in the Presbytery of Convoy. Strabane was at the 
time a small village whose chief importance lay in 
its situation at the point where the Mourne and the 
Finn join to form the river Foyle. In the centre of 
the town there was a neat but plain market house, 
and farther down the road were two good gentle- 


men's country houses, facing each other. In this 
town he was to begin his labors. 

Mr. Homes received his degree of Master of Arts 
at the University of Edinburgh in 1693. Craighead 
had preceded him in 1691, and the names of several 
others of note later in America appeared on the 
college rolls soon after. From a copy of Mr. 
Homes 's diary, preserved by the New England His- 
toric G-enealogical Society, many facts in regard to 
his family may be gleaned. William's father came 
from Donaghmore, county Donegal, a village a mile 
or more west of Castlefinn, and an hour's drive 
south west of Lifford on the road to Donegal and 
Ballyshannon. In the family lot there William's 
brother John, who was killed by lightning in 1692 in 
the parish of Eaphoe, was buried; this John left 
five children, Margaret, John, Jolnot (?), Jane and 
Eebecca. Mary Ann, a sister of William, died in 
1705. William married September 26, 1693, Kath- 
erine, daughter of the Eev. Eobert Craighead, a 
venerable and distinguished minister of London- 

* Their children as far as known were : 

Robert, born July 23, 1694, at Stragolan, County Fermanagh, sev- 
eral miles south of Omagh. He came to New England, and 
married Mary Franklin of Boston, April 3, 1716. She was a 
sister of Benjamin Franklin, the scientist and statesman. 
Robert was engaged for years as captain of a ship in trans- 
porting emigrants to America. 

Maeqaret, born February 28, 1695-96, at Strabane; married, 


The Rev. William Homes and his brother-in-law 
the Rev. Thomas Craighead, with their families, ar- 
rived in Boston the first week in October, 1714, from 
Londonderry, on the ship ** Thomas and Jane'' of 
which Mr. William Wilson was then master. Homes 
brought four written testimonials, from the elders 
and overseers of his congregation at Strabane, from 
the Presbytery of Convoy, from the Synod, and from 
eight presbyterian ministers at Dublin, including 
the Rev. Joseph Boyse, a famous preacher and 
writer. The first testimonial was printed in the Bos- 
ton Gazette for August 26, 1746; of this issue no 
copy is known to exist. 

March 1, 1715-16, at Chilmark [Colonel] John Allen. She 
died April 26, 1778. 

William, born ; died February 18, 1699-1700. 

Katheeine, born March 20, 1698-99; baptized by the Rev. Thomas 
Craighead at Strabane; married, May 30 (?), 1721, at Chil- 
mark, Captain Samuel Smith. 

John, born July 30, 1700; baptized at Strabane by the Rev. Samuel 
Haliday of Ardstraw ; died October 14, 1732, at Chilmark. 

Jane, born August 30, 1701; baptized at Strabane by the Rev. Wil- 
liam Homes of Urney; married, July 1, 1725, Sylvanus Allen of 
Chilmark ; died December 17, 1763, at Chilmark. 

Agnes, born May 31, 1704; baptized by the Rev. Mr. Homes of 
Urney; married, December 14, 1725, Joshua Allen. 

Elizabeth, born September 15, 1705; married by the Rev. Mr. 
Prince, February 5, 1729-30, to James Hutchinson. 

Hannah, born January 31, 1708-09. 

Margeet, born January 23, 1710-11 ; married, June 11, 1734, Ben- 
jamin Daggett. 
See also a memoir of Mrs. Sarah Tappan. 


The testimonial from Convoy was printed as part 
of the preface written by Joseph Sewall and Thomas 
Prince for Homes 's ^'The Good Government of 
Christian Families Eecommended,*' a memorial vol- 
ume issued in 1747. It was signed by Francis Laird 
at Donaghmore^ Jnly 12, 1714. 

It will be seen that Homes came well recom- 
mended. He was of gentle spirit, although some- 
thing of a leader, having served in Ireland as mod- 
erator of the general Synod of 1708 which met at Bel- 
fast with fifty-four ministers and forty ruling elders 
present. He was a student of administration. His 
work, entitled ^^ Proposals of Some Things to be 
done in our administring Ecclesiastical Govern- 
ment^' (Boston, 1732) favored a council or presby- 
tery of churches to check the friction which became 
evident on several occasions among New England 
ministers and people. The Eev. John White of 
Gloucester replied two years later in '^New Eng- 
land's Lamentations,'' contending that, excepting 
ruling elders and the ^^ third way of communion," 
the Congregationalists and Presbyterians stood on 
common ground. White held that no church in the 
whole consociation of churches would be so stub- 
born as to *' sustain the dreadful sentence of non- 
communion." Nevertheless he felt secure in Con- 
gregational polity after reading the fifth chapter 

^ Laird was succeeded there in 1744 by tbe Rev. Benjamin 


of first Corinthians, where ^'the Brethren'' are ad- 
monished to come together and subject their sinning 
members to discipline. 

Samuel Sewall welcomed Mr. Homes upon his 
. arrival, and showed him many marks of respect. In 
his diary on October 5, 1714, Sewall wrote: ^*I wait 
on the Lieut. Gov'', visit Mr. William Homes, Mr. 
Thomas Craighead, Ministers, in order to know 
what was best to be done as to the ship 's coming up. 
Carried them a Bushel Turnips, cost me 5^ and a 
Cabbage cost half a Crown. Dined at the Castle^ L* 
Gov"" also invited Mr. Homes.'' On December 2d 
he records a gift of ^*an angel" (ten shillings) to 
Mr. Homes and Mr. Craighead, and in correspond- 
ence later he showed his good will. 

The pulpit at Chilmark in Martha's Vineyard be- 
ing vacant, Homes returned to the scene of his 
youthful labors. There he remained, faithful and 
honored, until his death June 27, 1746, in his eighty- 
fourth year. Mrs. Homes died April 10, 1754, in her 
eighty-second year. Thus were lost to the upbuild- 
ing of Ireland two worthy characters. 

Parker says^ that a young man named Homes, son 
of a Presbyterian clergyman, first brought reports 
to the people in Ireland of opportunities in New 
England. This was probably Captain Eobert 
Homes, son of the Eev. William Homes ; he had an 
unusual opportunity for intercourse with his 

* History of Londonderry, p. 34. 


father's former parishioners through his voyages to 
Ireland. In 1717 two men with names later signifi- 
cant in the Worcester and Falmouth settlements, 
called to see the minister at Chilmark; they were 
John McClellan and James Jameson. Three weeks 
later (November 24th) Mr. Homes writes in his 
diary : ' ^ This day I received several letters, one from 
Doctor Cotton Mather, one from severall gentlemen 
proprietors of lands at or near to Casco Bay, and 
one from son Robert. ' ' 

The above quotation points strongly to a confer- 
ence held at Boston in November between Captain 
Eobert Homes, recently from Ireland and interested 
in transporting Scotch Irish families, the Rev. Cot- 
ton Mather, eager to see the frontiers defended by a 
God-fearing, hardy people, and the third party to 
the conference, the men who were attempting to 
plant settlements along the Kennebec. They must 
have talked over the project for a great migration 
(they all had written to the minister at Chilmark), 
and undoubtedly Captain Eobert Homes sent over 
letters and plans to friends at Strabane, Donagh- 
more, Donegal and Londonderry. Perhaps no one 
in Boston had so many relatives among the clergy 
in Ulster, and as a sea-captain he had a still fur- 
ther interest in the migration. Robert himself sailed 
for Ireland April 13, 1718, and returned **full of 
passengers" about the middle of October. 

The Rev. Mr. Homes in his diary describes his 



journey to Boston on this great occasion. He lodged 
with, his son and preached twice, from Philemon i. 
21, for the Eev. Cotton Mather at the North meet- 
ing honse, and from Proverbs xii. 26 for the Rev. 
John Webb at the New North; neither text seems 
to have had any special significance. 
The Eev. William Homes had two prominent 

Donegal, County Donegal 
Home of the Rev. Thomas Craighead 

brothers-in-law, Robert and Thomas Craighead. 
The Rev. Robert Craighead studied divinity at Edin- 
burgh and Leyden and had a conspicuous career at 
Dublin from 1709 until 1738, when he died. In 1719, 
when the Presbyterian church in Ireland was in pro- 
longed debate over the deity of Christ and subscrip- 
tion to the Westminster Confession of Faith, he 
served as moderator of the Ulster Synod. The Rev. 


Thomas Craighead was educated in Scotland, but 
later entered upon his trials for the ministry as a 
probationer in the Presbytery of Strabane in 1698. 
He settled at Donegal. Here he remained until he 
removed with his brother-in-law Homes to America 
in 1714, being succeeded by the Eev. John Homes, 
who enjoyed a long pastorate at Donegal.^ 

The Eev. Thomas Craighead had the unhappy gift 
of discord and he led a somewhat stormy life, al- 
though he was a fearless and a useful minister. For 
some time all went well at Freetown. Mr. Craig- 
head, when he settled there, had agreed to subsist 
on voluntary contributions from his flock. Probably 
his manner did not attract, and the support became 
gradually reduced until he was obliged to petition 
the General Court for a grant of money. They al- 
lowed ten pounds in June, 1718, for half a year's 
services. This was probably not the first grant of 
the kind to Mr. Craighead. In 1719 he brought 
his plight to the notice of the Justices of the Peace 

^By his wife, Margaret, Mr. Craigliead had: 
Thomas, born in 1702 ; married Margaret, daughter of George 

Brown, merchant of Londonderry, Ireland. A farmer at 

White Clay Creek, Delaware. 
Andbew, died unmarried. 
Alexander, died in March, 1766 ; an eloquent minister who lived 

in Pennsylvania, Virginia and North Carolina. 
John, of Cumberland County, Pennsylvania. 
Jane, married, October 23, 1725, the Rev. Adam Boyd, pastor of 

a church at the forks of the Brandywine. Their son edited 
the Cape Fea/r Mercn/ry. 


for Bristol County, and at a Court of General Ses- 
sions of the Peace the town was ordered to lay a 
rate for his support. Many refused to comply and 
were thrown into jail. A petition to the General 
Court asking to have the men liberated, the rate de- 
clared annulled and Craighead 's election as minister 
at Freetown void, was granted June 19, 1719. The 
unfortunate minister then petitioned for relief, hav- 
ing for four and a half years preached at Freetown, 
three of these years without pay, and being then 
deeply in debt. In December he was granted twenty 
pounds.^ Among his enemies John Hathaway, a 
kinsman, was a conspicuous figure, and to him Cot- 
ton Mather addressed a stirring letter, as a last 
effort to restore peace. It was written July 21, 
1719 : 

'^You cannot be insensable that the minister whom 
ye glorious Lord hath graciously sent among you 
is a man of Excellent Spirit, and a great Blessing 
to your plantation. Mr. Craighead is a man of Sin- 
gular piety and Humility & meekness, & patience 
& self denial and industry in the work of God. All 
that are acquainted with him, have a precious esteem 
of him. And if he should be driven from you, it 
would be such a Damage [to] you, such a Euine to 
your plantation, as ought not without Horror to be 
thought upon. 

^ Province Laws 1719-20, Chapters 43, 110. 


*^But, we are given to "understand, from some who 
are the spectators of what is done among yon, That 
Mr. Plathway's Coming nnto a good, friendly & 
Christian Frame towards Mr. Craighead wonld 
much Contribute unto his Comfortable Coun- 
tenance Among you. We do therefore, Exceed- 
ingly importune you, to put away Evil Differences 
towards that faithful Servant of God. and Come 
unto such a frame, as, if you now felt the last Pangs 
of Death upon you (which Cannot be put otf) you 
would chuse to dy withal. 

'*It will be not a little for your own Eeputation 
with Godly & "Worthy Men, that your disaffection for 
that Valuable man were laid aside And if once 
you come to sit lovingly together, the more you 
know him the more will you Love him." 

Craighead soon left Freetown, and in the spring 
of the year 1723 moved his family southward intg 
'Hhe Jerseys," as President Stiles of Yale makes 
record. He joined Newcastle presbytery January 
28, 1724, and on the 22nd of the next month was 
installed minister of the church at White Clay Creek 
in Delaware. There Mr. Craighead preached elo- 
quently for seven years, enjoying frequent revivals 
and building new churches through his zeal. In 
1733 he moved to Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, 
and joined Donegal presbytery September 3rd. He 
was pastor of the church at Pequea from October 
31, 1733, to September, 1736. Changing his resi- 


dence once more he settled at Hopewell in 1738, and 
preached until he died while pronouncing a bene- 
diction, in April, 1739; his last church was within 
the bounds of the present town of Newville, a few 
miles west of Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. While 
serving in these pastorates he was known as 
** Father" Craighead, and attained a wide reputa- 
tion, rising soon to be moderator of the Synod. 

Craighead came of a distinguished family, and 
is the ancestor of many ministers in the southern 
states. Having relatives in Londonderry and Dub- 
lin he was able by correspondence to stir the spirit 
of migration. He stands as a link between New Eng- 
land and the colonies south of the Hudson. Many of 
the Scotch Irish went from the Kennebec settle- 
ments to happier surroundings in Pennsylvania. 
They left brothers and cousins throughout Massa- 
chusetts and New York. Their ties of sympathy, 
faith and blood, helped to bind the colonies together 
in 1775. Tidings of the fight at Lexington stirred 
North and South Carolina profoundly for there 
were kinships along the entire coast. 



In the early years of the Colonies, that is, before 
1718, an occasional party of emigrants went ont 
from Ireland in the ships which sailed to southern 
ports for tobacco and cotton. Through them the Car- 
olinas became in a few years familiar to the people 
of Ulster. New England on the other hand received 
scarcely any immigration before 1718, and there 
was very little intercourse, unless we except that 
of a theological and literary nature which existed 
between leaders of thought in Dublin and Boston. 
This was perhaps the chief reason which led to the 
appointment of an agent by the Bann Valley colo- 

This agent, the Rev. William Boyd, was ordained 
at Macosquin in January, 1709-10. The Rev. 
Thomas Boyd, probably his father, was an Episco- 
pal clergyman at the neighboring town of Aghado- 
wey, and although deposed in 1661 for non-conform- 
ity, continued to preach there until his death -in 
1699, holding services also at Macosquin for the 
last ten years that he lived. 

When the Rev, William Boyd had fulfilled his 


mission in Boston and was ready to return to Ma- 
eosquin, he preached a ^^ return" sermon at the 
weekly lecture on the 19th of March, 1718-19. It 
was printed in 1719 with the title ^* God's way the 
Best way" (Jeremiah vi. 16). The introduction by 
the Rev. Increase Mather tells in rather quaint 
language so much of interest relating to Mr. Boyd 
and his mission to New England that it is given in 
part just as he wrote it: ^'It was not before the last 
Summer that he Arrived among us. He had his 
Education in the University of Edinburgh in Scot- 
land; and there commenc'd Master of Arts: and 
afterwards Read Divinity in the Famous Colledge 
and University in Glasgow^ under the care of Mr. 
Widrow, then Professor of Divinity there. Has 
been Ordained a Minister of the Gospel, and Pastor 
of a Church at Macasky in Ireland. Many in that 
Kingdom having had thoughts of a remove to this 
part of the World, have considered him as a Person 
suitably qualify 'd to take a Voyage hither, and to 
make Enquiry what Encouragement or otherwise, 
they might expect in case they should engage in so 
weighty and hazardous an Undertaking, as that of 
Transporting themselves & Families over so vast an 
Ocean. The issue of this Affair has a great depend- 
ence on the Conduct of this "Worthy Author. The 

^Among the Fasti are William Boyd, 1709, and Adam Boyd, 
1711. References to the Boyds may be found in Miss Leavitt's 
The Blair Family (1900). 


Lord direct him in it. Since his being in New-Eng- 
land (as well as afore that) by the Exemplary holi- 
ness of his Conversation, and the Eminency of his 
Ministerial Gifts, he has obtained a good Report 
amongst all Good Men. . . . 

**It is justly observed in the Sermon Emitted 
herewith, that Antiquity alone, is not a sufficient Jus- 
tification of any Practice ; Altho ' Truth is more An- 
cient than Error.'' 

Cotton Mather with his unfailing kindness sent 
Mr. Boyd away with a generous letter of commenda- 

ti<^^- - : I ^ ^Boston, N.E. 

20 d ii m 1719 

*^It is hereby Certified on Behalf of y® Reverend 
M^ William Boyd That which he has Commenced 
among us, he has, as far as we Could know or learn 
Adorned Y^ Doctrines of God o"" Saviour, with un- 
blemished Conversation, and improved y^ Charac- 
ter given him in y® recomendations which he brought 
hither from Ireland with him. And that his public 
Labours in y^ ministry of the Gospel, have been De- 
sired and Accepted among the people of God in this 
Country: with whom he now leaves a very Good 
Name, & Reputation, At his Departure from us. 

^^ Having furnished this O"" worthy Brother with 
Such a Testimony, we earnestly Comend him to y^ 
Conduct & Blessing of o"" glorious Lord, in y® Voy- 
age that is now before him. ' '^ 

^American Antiquariau Society Manuscripts, 


Before further reference is made to Mr. Boyd's 
subsequent career and the lives of his contempora- 
ries, something must be said of the Presbyterian 
church in Ulster, its organization, its work and its 
ministry, for the ministers were closely allied with 
the first plan to form a Scotch Irish colony in Amer- 
ica. The General Synod of the Presbyterian church 
in Ulster was held usually in June of each year. The 
Synod of 1717 is especially interesting for its long 
and important sessions, in which Boyd, McG-regor, 
Cornwall and others who were interested in America 
took part. Nine presbyteries were represented, 
Down, Belfast, Antrim, Tyrone, Armagh, Coleraine, 
Derry, Convoy, and Monaghan; one hundred 
churches sent their ministers and in most instances 
also a ruling elder. The aged David Cargill had 
come with the Eev. Mr. McGrregor from Aghadowey ; 
they were both appointed by the Synod members 
of the Committee **on funds.'' Matthew Clark 
and James Woodside were absent; Clark was ex- 
cused, but Mr. Woodside did not have so good a rea- 
son for absence and was not excused. 

The records of the Synod show among other ac- 
tivities an increasing interest in the Irish language, 
some ministers being able to read and others to 
preach in Irish. The Synod of Argyle also expressed 
a desire to aid Ulster in the conversion of the Irish, 
and there is mention of a Celtic catechism, ready to 
be printed. Of still greater importance, if Mr, 


McGregor was already thinking and speaking of re- 
moval to America, was his appointment to travel 
about the counties of Londonderry, Antrim and 
Tyrone on a mission to convert the Celtic Irish. 

The Synod declined after much discussion to 
transfer the Rev. Robert Craighead, brother of the 
minister soon to be in Massachusetts, from Dublin 
to Londonderry. Many other cases of ministerial 
transfers were discussed, including the Rev. Mr. 
Cornwall's request to be relieved of his work at 
Augher (near Clogher) on account of ill-health, the 
distance of his house from the church, and the inabil- 
ity of the congregation to meet expenses.^ 

A young man who wished to enter the ministry 
was examined by the Presbytery of Antrim which 
now reported to the Synod *Hhat he hath neither a 
natural capacity nor learning any way equal to the 
work of the Ministry, '' and was advised to lay 
aside his purpose. 

There are also in the records many discussions of 
charities, assignments to preach, admonitions to 
thoughtless or possibly sinful brothers. Taking 
them all in all, the records of the Ulster Synod are 

* A second opportunity for the spread of the "fever" for emigra- 
tion was offered by the appointment of the Rev. Mr. Cornwall to 
preach in August before the new Presbytery of Augher, erected 
from parts of the counties of Monaghan and Tyrone. The next 
year four young men were presented by this Presbytery for their 
"second trials," and it was announced that they were "designed for 


orderly, concise, and sane — a monument to a century 
and more of religions work in Ireland. They con- 
vince the reader that a naan privileged to take part 
in the meetings of his congregation, of his presby- 
tery, or of the General Synod had an opportunity 
to fit himself for self-government. Indeed, the com- 
mittee work and the exercise in speaking which these 
assemblies offered prepared the leading Presby- 
terian laymen in Ulster to participate in county and 
town affairs in America on equal terms with their 
neighbors. The Scotch Irish, from minister to la- 
borer, were bred in an atmosphere of self-reliance, 
and they carried this force with them to the New 

The emigrants of the year 1718 came largely from 
the Bann Valley. The Valley's chief town, Cole- 
raine, still gloried in its buildings of the Elizabethan 
period, grouped along a good road leading to the 
square (now called the Diamond), and onward to 
the bridge across the Bann water. John Barrow, a 
traveller of a later date, writes : 

' ' Standing on this bridge, the spectator has a fine 
view of the Bann on both sides of it; that to the 
northward embraces, among a number of decent- 
looking villas or farm-houses, a very pretty man- 
sion and grounds on the left bank, close to the sub- 
urb, called, from the owner I imagine, Jackson Hall ; 
and the view in the contrary direction, or up the 
river, exhibits many neat villas, well planted with 



















wood. Among them a parkish-looking place, on the 
left bank, caught my attention, and I walked along 
a good road, not merely to get a nearer view of it, 
bnt also to take a look at the salmon-leap, which I 
knew to be about the spot. This place is named Som- 
erset. . . . The little cottages belonging to the 
weavers, are, like those of Antrim, bnilt of stone, and 
have a neat appearance ; bnt there is this distinctive 
character which maizes them differ from an English 
cottage, — that they are all open to the road in front, 
and want that little paled-off garden enclosure, so 
common to our meanest cottages."^ 

The Presbyterian ministers of this region in 1718 
were the Rev. William Boyd at Macosquin, a village 
three miles out of Coleraine on the road to Aghado- 
wey; the Rev. James McGregor at Aghadowey; 
and a short distance south the Rev. James Woodside 
at Garvagh; all on the west side of the Bann. 

^ Barrow's Tour Round Ireland, p. 88. Thackeray in "The Irish 
Sketch Book" speaks of Coleraine "with a number of cabin sub- 
urbs belonging to it, lying picturesquely grouped on the Bann 
River." Farther on occurs his poem, "Peg of Limavaddy," be- 
ginning : 

Riding from Coleraine 

(Famed for lovely Kitty) 
Came a cockney bound 
Unto Derry City; 

Weary was his soul, 

Shivering and sad he 
Bumped along the road 

Leads to Limavaddy. 


Farther south, near the Bann, the Eev. Matthew 
Clark, a survivor of the siege of Londonderry and 
a military man, preached at Kilrea; and the Eev. 
John Stirling was at Ballykelly, county London- 
derry, a dozen miles west of Coleraine. At Cole- 
raine was the Eev. Eobert Higinbotham, famous in 
his day for his futile attempt to change his mind 
after having honored Mrs. Martha Woods with the 
offer of his hand ; and about six miles south of Cole- 
raine at Ballymoney, just across the river from 
Aghadowey, was the Eev. Eobert McBride. Eight 
or ten miles north east of Coleraine at Billy or 
Bushmills was the Eev. John Porter, said by con- 
temporaries to have been a * ' sprightly orator, ' ' and 
four miles to the south west of Bushmills the Eev. 
Henry Neill was at Ballyrashane. 

At Londonderry no one at the moment held the 
pulpit of the Eev. Eobert Craighead, who died Au- 
gust 22, 1711. At Donegal, a few miles west of Lif- 
f ord and Strabane, was the Eev. John Homes, and 
at Donaghmore the Eev. Benjamin Homes. In 
County Tyrone the Eev. Samuel Haliday, father of 
the famous Dr. Haliday, was six miles south of 
Strabane at Ardstraw; the Eev. William Cornwall 
was twenty miles farther south at Clogher ; he was 
thinking of America, and no doubt in communication 
with the Homes family. At Kilmore, county Down, 
was the Eev. Thomas Elder, and at Magherally the 
Eev. Samuel Young. 


All these ministers are known to liave had some 
interest in or sympathy with a proposal for migra- 
tion to New England ; but when Boyd was about to 
sail for Massachusetts Bay and a petition for lands 
for Scotch Irish settlers was prepared for him to 
present to Governor Shute, only four ministers, Hig- 
inbotham, Porter, Neill, and Elder, added their sig- 
natures, and not one who signed came over to New 
England to live. 

The petition is headed by the Rev. James Teatte, 
probably the James Tate who served at Killeshan- 
dra, near the town of Cavan, from 1705 to 1729. If 
he had any ties with the Coleraine presbytery to 
which most of the clerical signers belonged we have 
now no means of discovering them. 

Of the other clerical signers of this petition a few 
words only are necessary. Thomas Cobham was or- 
dained at Clough, a village south of Ballymoney in 
county Antrim, in March, and only a few days be- 
fore the petition was drawn up. Robert Neilson, an 
aged minister, whose trembling hand wrote a signa- 
ture which Mr. Parker in his *^ Londonderry" very 
naturally printed ** Houston," held no parish al- 
though long identified with Kilraughts in the Pres- 
bytery of Route (later the Presbytery of Coleraine). 
William Leech was the minister of Ballymena, 
county Antrim, 1698-1738, although the historians 
Killen and Hanna speak of the minister there as 
Thomas Leech. Robert Higinbotham of Coleraine, 


John Porter of Biisliinills and Henry Neill of Bally- 
rashane were all members of the Presbytery of Cole- 
raine. The next signer, Thomas Elder, was from 
Connty Down, although he may have lived at one 
time in the Coleraine presbytery, since one of the 
same name accompanied the Eev. Mr. Neill to the 
Synod of 1716. James Thomson was to become min- 
ister at Ballywillan, near Coleraine, in a few weeks. 
Alexander Dunlop, a signer, was not a minister in 
Ulster, nor were two other clerical signers of the 
petition to Shnte, Archibald McCook and Samuel 
Wilson, of whom nothing is known in the Presby- 
terian annals of Ulster. Dunlop, McCook and Wil- 
son were Masters of Arts ; all the others were Min- 
isters of the Word of God, signing themselves 
Vierbi] D[ei] M[inister]. The more one studies 
the list the more one is puzzled by its composition. 
It appears to have been prepared in some haste by 
ministers in the Bann Valley, possibly at»a presby- 
tery gathering which Tate, Leech, and Elder had 

The names of the other signers are also for the 
most part well written and still easily to be read. 
They have not as familiar a sound as one might ex- 
pect, but if we recognize in one column Eandall Alex- 
ander, in another Andrew McFspdden, and in a third 
Matthew Slarrow, we may assimae that most of the 
names were gathered in the Bann Valley towns. All 
the names doubtless looked impressive to Governor 


Shute, even if upon us the significance of many of 
tliem is lost. And perhaps both the Governor and 
Cotton Mather were no wiser than we are. 

The petition to Grovernor Shute was engrossed on 
a sheet of parchment twenty-eight inches square, 
and is now deposited with the New Hampshire His- 
torical Society, at Concord, where it may be seen.^ 

The ministers who accompanied the first colonists 
in 1718 were worthy men, but their departure from 
Ulster did not deprive the Presbyterian Church of 
any of its real leaders. 

The Eev. William Boyd upon his return to Macos- 
quin continued his work there until 1725, when Mon- 
reagh in County Donegal called him. This parish, 
on the west bank of the Foyle between Londonderry 
and Lifford, promised to build a meeting house and 
to secure to him £40 per annum. He was installed 
April 25, 1725, and died there in service May 2, 1772, 
leaving children. He last attended a synod in 1762, 
when he was probably in feeble health. His career 
was a troubled one, on account of a rival minister 
who built a church at St. Johnstown within his juris- 
diction, and alienated many of his people. The Gen- 
eral Synod took his part steadily, but was finally 
forced to recognize the new organization. 

Monreagh was in Boyd^s time also called Taboin 
or Taughboyne. The McClintocks were prominent 
Presbyterians in Taughboyne, and William McClin- 

^ See Appendix II. 


took, father of the Rev. Samuel of Portsmouth, New 
Hampshire, may have been of this race. 

The Rev. James McGregor or McG-regore fol- 
lowed the Rev. Thomas Boyd at Aghadowey, a small 
Londonderry village whose name means '^ Duffy's 
field." He was ordained there June 25, 1701, came 
to Boston August 4, 1718, and died at the American 
Londonderry of a fever after a short illness March 
5, 1729.^ A widow and seven, it is said, of their ten 
children survived him. The widow, Mary Ann Mc- 
Gregor, was married January 9, 1733, by the Rev. 
John Moorhead of Boston, to Mr. McGregor's Lon- 
donderry successor, the Rev. Matthew Clark, a vig- 
orous and picturesque preacher. 

Little is known of McGregor's education and 
early life; his name does not appear on the mem- 
bership rolls of the universities, but he was a man 
of good abilities. He came possibly from the Scotch 
highlands, for his knowledge of Celtic enabled him 
to take a leading part in the movement to draw into 
the Presbyterian Church those of highland and Irish 
descent. It was found that both peoples could read 

^Boston News-Letter, March 27, 1729. I have discovered very 
little about Mr. McGregor's children. Mr. Otis G. Hammond 
kindly searched the deeds and found mention of a daughter Jane, 
wife of Alexander Clark of Portsmouth, physician; a daughter 
Margaret, wife of Alexander Caldwell of Portsmouth, shop- 
keeper ; and sons David of Londonderry, clerk or minister ; James 
of Londonderry, yeoman; and Alexander of Rhode Island, school- 
master. Parker's Londonderry, p. 280, mentions also Robert, 
Daniel, Mary, Elizabeth and John. 


the Bible in Celtic, and Presbyterians vied with 
Churchmen in establishing missions. Two dissent- 
ing societies were organized in 1716 to study the 
language, and McGregor was appointed to preach to 
one of them at a meeting in Dungiven in August.^ A 
few years earlier he had become associated in this 
work with the Rev. Archibald Boyd, and we find 
them both as followers of the Rev. William Boyd on 
New England soil in 1718. MeG-regor's coming was 
doubtless hastened by the poverty of his parish, 
which owed him eighty pounds at the time of his de- 
parture. The General Synod brought pressure to 
collect half the sum, but with what result we cannot 
tell, for Aghadowey was reported in 1728 to be 
religiously and financially in ''a sinking state.'' 

The rigid standards of the dissenters at this 
period bring the sins of the clergy into relief. In 
1700 they were censured by the Synod because they, 
their wives and children, were ^^ gaudy and vain'' in 
their manner of dress. They were cautioned to 
avoid ^^powderings, vain cravats, half shirts, and 
the like, ' ' as well as ^ ' sumptuous, prodigal dinners ' ' 
at ordinations. McGregor and Boyd, the apostles 
to the Irish, withstood the allurements of fashion, 
but were found wanting in other virtues. McGregor, 
having taken several cans of ale at Coleraine where, 
as he said, ^4ess might have serv'd," was in 1704 
after a vote of *^not proven" severely admonished 

* Records of tlie General Synod of Ulster. 


before the whole Synod of Ulster. Curiously enough 
the chief of his accusers bore the surname of Love. 
McGregor's after life appears to have been exem- 
plary. Archibald Boyd was deposed for sins against 
morality in 1716; he appeared in Boston in 1718, 
but no reference was made to his former ministerial 

McGregor's son David became even better known 
than his father as a Presbyterian leader, while set- . 
tied at Londonderry, New Hampshire. He was a 
controversialist and speaker whose influence was felt 
for many years in New England. 

The weakness for excessive drinking affected men 
of all* classes in Ireland. The archbishops admon- 
ished the clergy of the Established Church, and the 
Synod labored with the dissenters. John Gamble in 
his travels in the north of Ireland in 1810 refers to 
a certain Presbyterian clergyman who could lecture 
'*on the seven churches, and on the seven candle- 
sticks, as pat as if it was the Gospel o' St. Luke. 
Has but one fault in the world — he 's our fond of the 
wee drap/' The Congregation were tolerant of this 
failing in their pastor, but a parishioner said : ^^Ogh 
aye, man, the Papists and the high kirk hold out 
their fingers at us, and gibe us, sore, on his ac- 
count. ' '^ 

The Rev. Mr. Clark, mentioned above, was at Kil- 

* Gamble's Sketches of History, Politics and Manners in Dublin, 
and the North of Ireland in 1810, New Ed., London, 1826, p. 244. 


rea ; his connection with the congregation there was 
severed April 28, 1729. A few miles to the north- 
west the Eev. James Woodside had for many years 
preached at Grarvagh. His arrival in New England 
will be described in an account of the Brunswick 
settlement. But a letter of encouragement from the 
Rev. Cotton Mather, written in February, 1718-19, 
has several interesting passages, and is given in full 
from the draft in the American Antiquarian Society : 

[To the Rev. James Woodside] ^^3^ XIP 1718 

'^Tis more than Time that your Brethren here 
should bid you welcome to the western side of Ye 
Atlantic and make you a Tender of all the Brotherly 
Assistance that we are capable of giving you ; espe- 
cially under ye Difficulties which at your first Ar- 
rival you cannot but meet withal. The Glorious 
providence of God o'' Saviour, which has been at 
work, in the Removal of so many people, who are 
of so Desirable a character as we see come & coming 
from ye North of Ireland, Unto ye North of New 
England, has doubtless very great Intentions in it ; 
and, what He does, we know not now, but we shall 
know hereafter, 

' ' He who Defeated ye purposes of such a removal 
attempted by some excellent persons of your Nation 
& Spirit, more than four score years ago, now seems 
to favor us.^ Is it not because He has a work to do 

^ The "Eagle Wing" left Ireland in 1636. 


whicli we are not yet aware of! Happy and Hon- 
oured, those of us Christians [?] by whom o"" glori- 
ous Lord comes to have these ends of ye earth for 
His possession! 

^^The people who are upon this Transportation, 
are of such principles, & so Laudable for their sobri- 
ety, their Honesty, their Industry, that we cannot 
but embrace you with a most fervent charity, and 
cherish hopes of noble settlements to be quickly 
made in a Region, which has hitherto been a Reputed 

^ ^ The people who were formerly taking Root there, 
carried not ye ministry of ye Gospel with y"", and 
were once and again suddenly cursed of God. The 
Indians have never yett been permitted of Heaven 
to break up a Town that had a minister of ye gospel 
in it. It is a vast encouragement unto o"" expecta- 
tions of a smile from God on the plantation now go- 
ing forward, that we see a Woodside as well as a 
Cornwal, appearing there; and we have a prospect 
of more such ministers coming over, as will be ye 
Beauty & ye Safety of that Countrey, and be ye very 
life of y"" colonies that will be under their watchful 
& [illegible] Influences." 

The Rev. William Cornwall, mentioned by Mather, 
belonged to a family not unknown in the ministry. 

* Acts i, 19. The potter's field near Jerusalem, said to have been 
Ijurchased by Judas with money received for the betrayal of 


Thomas Cornwall graduated at Edinburgh in 1694, 
and William *^of Ireland '^ matriculated at Glasgow 
in 1687. They were possibly sons of Gabriel Corn- 
wall who preached in 1656 at two villages a few 
miles northeast of Coleraine, Ballywillan and Bush- 
mills. The Eev. William Cornwall returned to Ire- 
land after a winter of hardship in Casco Bay, and 
settled at Taughboyne in 1722. He died March 13, 

Two ministers whose names will always be associ- 
ated with the early life of the Scotch Irish settlers 
in Worcester were the Eev. Edward FitzGerald and 
the Eev. William Johnston. 

The Eev. Edward FitzGerald, leader of the com- 
pany which settled in Worcester in 1718, deserves 
notice, but his history has not been found. An influ- 
ential man of the same name was an original settler 
of Boscawen, New Hampshire, in 1734.^ The last 
record of the Eev. Edward FitzGerald in Worcester 
is in 1725, when £2 were recorded in the Town Treas- 
urer 's report as due *^to ye Eevd Mr. Fits Gearld."^ 
The town had called the Eev. Isaac Burr in Febru- 
ary, 1725, and it would appear that, being in need 
of a temporary preacher, Mr. FitzGerald had been 

^Another FitzGerald, Richard by name, married at Scituate in 
1729, and was a Latin schoolmaster in Hanover, Massachusetts, 
from 1734 to 1746. The presence of two educated men of the name 
in New England at this time, both probably Protestants, suggests 
some kinship with the Rev. Edward FitzGerald of Worcester. 

' Collections Worcester Society of Antiquity, Vol. 2, p. 41. 


engaged until the ordination of Mr. Burr in October. 
This, however, is merely a conjecture. 

The Rev. William Johnston, born at Mullagh- 
moyle. County Tyrone (?), in 1710, was the son of 
William and Elizabeth (Hoey) Johnston. After 
seven years at the University of Edinburgh, he came 
to Worcester. The Presbyterians there endeavored 
in March, 1736-7, to become exempt from taxation 
for the support of the town church that they might 
maintain Mr. Johnston in the ministry.^ 

Failing in this, he removed to Windham, New 
Hampshire, where he became the first minister of 
the town in July, 1742. In July, 1752, the parish had 
become so poor that he voluntarily withdrew and 
settled in New York State, dying at Florida, Mont- 
gomery county. May 10, 1782, after many years of 
service in various places.^ 

Of other Presbyterian ministers who came from 
Ireland in 1718 or possibly the year following, the 
most important in the Connecticut valley^ were the 
Rev. John McKinstry* of Sutton, Massachusetts and 
Ellington, Connecticut, the Rev. James Hillhouse of 
New London, and the Rev. Samuel Dorrance of Vol- 

^ Collections Worcester Society of Antiquity, Vol. 2, p. 106. 
* See a sketch of him in Morrison's Windham, p. 607, 

^ See an excellent paper on "The Iri^ Pioneers of the Connecti- 
cut Valley" in Connecticut Valley Historical Society Papers, Vol. 
2, pp. 175-213. 

*The genealogy of the McKinstrys has been published by the 
Hon. William Willis of Portland, Maine. 


Tintown. McKinstry was born at Brode^ on the east- 
ern shore of Antrim, near Carrickfergus, in 1677, 
and took his Master of Arts degree at Edinburgh in 
1712. Willis believes that he came in 1718, but I find 
no record of him so early. The town of Sutton voted 
December 25, 1719, to call him to be pastor at the 
meeting-house which the people had recently com- 
pleted. Later he moved to Ellington, where he died 
January 20, 1754. 

The Rev, James Hillhouse was born about 1688, 
the son of John and Rachel Hillhouse, owners of a 
large estate called Freehall, in County Londonderry. 
He studied at Glasgow under the famous Professor 
Sims on, and was ordained by Derry presbytery 
October 15, 1718. Coming to America in 1720, he 
was called to a church in the second parish of New 
London in 1722, where he died December 15, 1740. 
His son William was a member of the Continental 
Congress, and William ^s son James was a Senator 
of the United States.^ Mr. Hillhouse 's widow Mary 
married the Rev. John Owen of Groton, Connecticut, 
who may have been of the Scotch Irish connection. 
Her third choice was also a minister, so that she was 
said to have spent her life ^^near the altar.'' This 
third husband, the Rev. Samuel Dorrance, was en- 

* Brod appears in the Hibernian Atlas, but does not appear in the 
printed list of townlands. 

* See Bacon's Sketch of the Hon. James Hillhouse, New Haven, 
1860. James, uncle of the emigrant, was mayor of Londonderry 
in 1693. Abraham Hillhouse was at the siege. 



tered as an Anglo-Hibernian at Glasgow University 
in 1709. He is said to have studied divinity at Edin- 
burgh, although his name does not appear in the 
printed list of .graduates ; was licensed by Dunbar- 
ton presbytery in Scotland, and in 1719 was re- 
ported as received by the Presbytery of Coleraine, 
his testimonials having been read by the Synod of 
Derry. He settled in Voluntown, now Stirling, Con- 
necticut, bringing with him several brothers and 
friends who became leaders in the community. Dor- 
rance was ordained in 1723, not without opposition 
from those who opposed Presbyterian proclivities. 

^Signers of the Westminster Confession at Voluntown: 

Samuel Dorrance 
Robert Gordon 
Thomas Cole 
John Kasson 
John Campbell 
Robert Campbell 
Samuel Campbell 
John Gordon 
Alexander Gordon 
Ebenezer Dow 
John Keigwin 
William Hamilton 
Robert Hopkin 
John Smith 
Daniel Dill 
Thomas Welch 
Jacob Bacon 
Daniel Cass 
John Dorrance 

— Larned's 

George Dorrance 
Samuel Church, Jun. 
John Dorrance, Jun. 
Nathaniel Deane 
Vincent Patterson 
Robert Miller 
Patrick Parke 
Samuel Church 
Adam Kasson 
William Kasson 
David Hopkins 
Charles Campbell 
Nath. French 
John Gibson 
James Hopkins 
John Parke 
Robert Parke 
William Rogers 
John Gallup 

Windham County, Conn., Vol. 1, p. 250. 


In 1750 this opposition became aroused, but 
again subsided, and their pastor was allowed to 
serve until March 5, 1771, when he was dismissed. 
Dorrance died November 12, 1775, at the age of 
ninety, leaving a large family. The first members of 
the church were asked to subscribe to the Westmin- 
ster Confession of Faith. The English settlers held 
aloof, but the Scotch friends of Mr. Dorrance very 
generally signed. One might properly ask whether 
Dorrance had been long enough in Ireland to gather 
a following, or whether the Voluntown settlers came 
from Scotland. Since he was accepted by the Pres- 
bytery of Coleraine it seems probable that he came 
there to live, and finding many bent on migration 
joined in their well matured plans.^ 

Two of the earliest Scotch Irish ministers in west- 
ern Massachusetts, where Presbyterian influences 
grew rapidly, were the Eev. John Harvey and the 
Rev. Robert Abercrombie. Harvey was ordained at 
Palmer, then known as ^*The Elbows," June 5, 1734, 
and resigned in 1747, when he removed to Bland- 
ford to be with his Scotch Irish friends in that set- 

The Rev. Robert Abercrombie came to Boston late 
in 1740 with testimonials from the Presbytery of 
Kirkcaldy in Scotland, and from the Rev. Mr. Wil- 
son of Perth. He settled in Pelham in 1744 and 
after a useful but somewhat troubled career died 
during the Revolutionary period. 


Of the many ministers who served the Maine coast 
settlers several deserve notice. The Rev. William 
Cornwall who spent the winter of 1718-19 at Fal- 
mouth, and the Rev. James Woodside, an early min- 
ister at Brunswick, have both been mentioned. Lit- 
tle is known at present of the Rev. Hugh Campbell, 
Master of Arts at Edinburgh in 1714, who spent 
a year at Scarboro, Maine, in 1720, and was followed 
by the Rev. Hugh Henry in June, 1722. The Rev. 
Robert Rutherford, perhaps a student at Glasgow 
in 1708, was ordained at Ahma-Carte March 23, 
1714, came over with the Dunbar migration in 1729, 
and preached at Bristol, Nobleboro, and Boothbay 
in Maine. He was minister at Brunswick from about 
1735 to 1742, and died at Thomaston October 18, 
1756, aged 68, The Rev. Robert Dunlap of Bruns- 
wick, Maine, was born in County Antrim, Ireland, in 
August, 1715. He studied at the University of Edin- 
burgh, received his Master of Arts degree about 
1734, and embarked for America in the spring of 
1736. He was wrecked on the Isle of Sable and 
landed at the Isle of Canso. In December, 1746, 
Brunswick voted to invite Mr. Dunlap to preach on 
probation. He was ordained at the Protestant 
French Church in Boston the next year, and 
preached at Brunswick until October, 1760. He 
died June 26, 1776. The Rev. William Mc- 
Clanethan of Georgetown, Maine, was employed 
to preach for several years, beginning in 1734, but 


having no settlement. He moved to Blandf ord, Mas- 
sachusetts, in 1744. The Rev. Alexander Boyd of 
New-Castle, Maine, labored there first in 1754. The 
presence of many Congregationalists raised dissen- 
tion soon after, and he was removed in 1758. He 
had studied divinity at Glasgow, and being approved 
by the Boston presbytery in 1749 he preached at 
Georgetown, Maine, and elsewhere on the Kennebec 
for a year or two.^ 

In looking back over this rather cursory survey of 
the Ulster clergy we find that the migration of 
1718-20 did not noticeably injure the Presbyterian 
ministry in Ireland where the Churches were well 
organized, and the leaders as a whole intelligent, 
prosperous and reasonably free from tyranny of 
law. If it had any effect it was upon the growing 
tide in later years. Men like McGregor and Homes 
represented a worthy standard, and their example 
must have influenced many in Ulster. A few, com- 
ing without proper credentials, or under a cloud, 
were less worthy of favor, but they had little effect 
upon public opinion. Other considerations often 
prejudiced the native clergymen and laymen. 

The New England people after a century out of 

* Jonathan Greenleaf's Ecclesiastical Sketches, pp. 77-79. The 
Rev. John Murray of Boothbay, Maine, first began a brilliant min- 
istry there in 1763, a period rather too late to have influenced 
events described in these pages. His early life was less to his 
credit, and President Stiles of Yale devoted much space in his 
Diary to a review of Murray's sins. 


England were still, as Professor Wendell has said, 
essentially Elizabethan ; their speech and their hab- 
its, their polity and their ideals could not be in har- 
mony with Scotch character developed on Irish 
soil, for the Scotch Irish were of the Hanoverian 
age. Where the early settlers were in a minority 
they tolerated a Presbyterian minister, or eve;n came 
to love him; but Presbyterianism did not thrive in 
ISTew England, where the English stock and the Con- 
gregational polity were all-powerful. 


The Presbyterian records of Ulster will in good 
time yield a great store of information, of interest 
alike to the student of religion and genealogy. The 
official minntes of the Synod of Ulster are in print 
and have been invaluable in the preparation of these 
pages. But the records of the smaller organization, 
the presbytery, and the accounts of local congrega- 
tions have never been published. These, when gath- 
ered together and made accessible to the student, 
will reveal, with a wealth of detail, the incidents of 
village life in Protestant Ireland at a period when 
out of almost every family group some member 
crossed the ocean to seek his fortune in America. 

The records of the Presbytery of Coleraine, if 
they survive, will one day throw light on the migra- 
tion to America. The most important town in 
certain respects of all those in the Presbytery was 
Aghadowey, the home of the Eev. James McGregor. 
In his day the people were, many of them, very poor. 
Today smoke curls from the same gable-end chim- 
neys to tell of a more contented life within the an- 
cient walls. The dark thatch of the cottages is in 
picturesque contrast to their white walls, and the 



white gates mark openings in tlie long, thrifty 
hedges. Sometimes bounds of field stone take the 
place of hedges ; and there are fine trees arching over 
excellent roads. An American, looking at the eager 

/ .^^'' 

I f 



V V 

Wall and Iron Gates Enclosing the Site of the 
Rev. James McGregor's Meeting House 

The present Presbyterian Ohnrch in the Distance 

young faces that crowd the cabin doorway, might ask 
if a torrent of rain must not send its flood over the 
slightly raised threshold onto the stone floor within. 
But there each generation has kept a fire upon the 
hearth and broth in the kettle. And are not these the 
best answers to any doubting traveller ■? 


The importance of Aghadowey and the Eev. 
James McGregor in the history of Scotch Irish 
emigration gives prominence to the Aghadowey 
Session Book, recently presented by the Misses 
Thompson of Cnllycapple, Aghadowey, to the Pres- 
byterian Historical Society of Ireland, and pre- 
served at Belfast. This long ledger-like book pre- 
serves the records from the end of 1702 to the year 
1733, covering the ministry of McGregor and the 
larger part of the troubled non-subscribing career of 
the Eev. John Elder. McGregor acted as clerk from 
1704 to the time of his departure. He was quartered 
with one of the elders, and had a protracted strug- 
gle to obtain from his poor flock a separate roof for 
his increasing family and bread for their main- 

The twenty-first session, and the first to be noticed 
in this book of records, was held December 1, 1702, 
with these members: **Mr. James McGregore, Da- 
vid Miller, Hugh Eeed, John Shirila [Shirley], Dan- 
iel McEelis, Eobert Archbold, Mosses Dillape [Dun- 
lap], Arthur Bapti, David Cargill, and Hugh Ken- 
nedy. ' ' Dunlap and Cargill were absent. The next 
entry reads : 

''Directions from C A letter from the presbtry to 

ye Presbtry (^ be comunicated concerning the 

payment of steipends & a f [arm] & lodgings to our 

minister this session apoin[ts] the former col^ctors 


to use there u[tmost] diligence to gett in the Ee- 
mainders of the steipends & Eesolves upon another 
Method for the Holintyde steipends & that this allso 
to [be] mannaged wt all diligence. As to the farm 
they promise to use there endeavours to pro [cure] 
a farm as soone as possible & that they [are] agreed 
that his Quarters be where formerly/' 

More members of the session were needed, and the 
following who were *^ judged fitt for the work" were 
warned to be present: ^^John Given, Thomas Will- 
son, John Shirila, Juny"*, John Browstr [Brewster], 
John Buy [Boycef], John Thomson, John Gold [or 
Gould], Thomas Nickel, and Hugh Hendry [or 
Henry] . " 

At the twenty-second session, held January 26, 
1702-3 ^^at the little house,'' the list of grants to the 
poor seems to justify a remark in Mr. J. W. Kerno- 
han's description of the manuscript, written for the 
December number (1909) of the Irish Presbyterian. 
^^At one point," he says, ^^a wail is uttered by the 
Session about the extraordinary number of poor, for 
at every meeting there was a regular distribution of 
charity." The records state that grants were made 

S. D. 

James Boyd for burial of daughter 1-6 
Grany OCahan 1-6 

Jeuet Brown 8 



























































S. D. 

William Anderson 6 

Eobert Alison 3-0 

John Grillmore 1-0 

Nealy Cahan 1-0 

Jean Kearns 8 

Margaret Miller 8 


To raise the money needed for these benefactions 
required collectors for each quarter, ^* North, South, 
East and West." Those appointed were Kennedy, 
Cargill, Miller, Archbold, Nickel, Dunlap, Henry, 
William Wallace and Eobert Hunter. 

At the Session held December 19, 1715, the follow- 
ing grants were recorded : 

Silvanus Brooks 1-6 

Marth M^Levenny 1-0 

Eliz Murch" 1-0 

George M'Farland 1-0 

Jen* M'^Elchiner 1-0 

Will. Bouie 1-6 

Jas. Gilmor 8 

Hugh MiUar 1-0 

Isab. Porter 1-6 

Alice Higins 8 

Hellen Gilmor l-O 


The records which, cover the period of Mr. Mc- 
Gregor's ministry throw many side lights on social 
life. Complaint was made that Captain Hugh Blair, 
who moved into town in 1708-4, did not present a 
certificate of his membership elsewhere. He came 
to occupy, perhaps, the famous AghadoT^ey or 
Blair's House which stood near the church. Dr. 
Hugh S. Morrison, in a letter dated December 25, 
1909, speaks of a visit to this house the day before, 
of its modern stone finish with bow windows, and its 
walls in parts six feet thick, showing marks of port 
holes which have been filled up. In the garret are 
two large chests or ^ * arks, ' ' lined with tin, and bound 
with primitive wrought iron bands and hinges. Here 
meal was stored, perhaps for the defenders of Derry. 

Lapses from the standards imposed by social life 
are the source of many entries in the records. In 
1702-3 Mary Clark was ordered to appear publicly 
before the Congregation to confess her too free con- 
duct with James Cochran, a soldier in the year 1689. 

At the twenty-fourth session, in 1704, the old 
adage 'Hhe better the day the better the deed" 
seems to have been disregarded: ^^It haveing been 
evident to this session that John Boyd did Joyn in 
company wt David Laws on to bring away Mr Wil- 
liam Hustown's daughter unknown to her parrents 
upon the sabath day in order to be Maryed to the 
said Lawson & being very Active in this Affair upon 
the sabath day, this being a general offence to this 


session and to all good people, this session apoints 
Hugh Hendry to cite John Boyd to onr next session, 
the foresd Lawson not receeding in this congrega- 
tion we cannot cite him.'' 

During the spring of the year 1715 Hugh Mont- 
gomery, the same Hugh who came to New England, 
was paying his court to Miss Jane Cargill, whose sis- 
ters, Mrs. McGregor of Aghadowey, Mrs. Gregg of 
Macosquin, and Mrs. McKeen of Ballymoney (as- 
suming that they all were married at this time) 
formed an influential family circle. Perhaps Hugh 
found some difficulty in getting within this circle. At 
any rate, he and Miss Jane got beyond the circle's 
outer bound and found themselves in far off Bally- 
mena. There they were married on the 22d of May, 
not by a minister but by the faith's arch enemy 
Eobert Donald, ^^ curate of Bellymenoch. " All of 
which is sworn to by John Freeland and William 
Hodge, as if Mr. Donald's certificate was not evi- 
dence enough. The records state that Hugh *^ac- 
knowledgth the disorder of his marriage & profess- 
eth his sorrow for it, ' ' glad we may be sure that this 
confession was permitted to be made before the Ses- 
sion instead of to the Congregation. 

Others mentioned the same year were Thomas 
Turner and Marion Hunter, and also Hugh Tor- 

Mr. McGregor's last appearance at a Session was 
on April 11, 1718. The next meeting was held April 



Residence of De. Hugh S. Moebison at Aghadowey, Ireland 

29, 1719, when tlie business referred altogether to 
settlement of the accounts of the Congregation, 
showing a balance of Is. Od. remaining in David 
Millar's hands. '^This is in his hand when all the 
Accounts are settled since our Minist. Left us 

as wittnes 

Mat Clerk." 

The village street in Aghadowey is now called 
Ardreagh. Near it there is a tall chimney of a 
bleaching green. The thatched cottages along the 
road were built betweeij. 1690 and 1700, yet they are 


tidy and comfortable, and are still occupied by tbe 
heirs of tbe Scotch Irish who did not cross the At- 
lantic. There are in Aghadowey several country 
mansions, including the residence of Dr. Hugh S. 

LizAED Manoe, Aghadowey 

Home of Charles B. S. Stronge, Esq., J. P., D. L. 

(From a photograph by Miss Stronge) 

Morrison, near Two Bridges, and the seat of Charles 
E. S. Stronge, Esq., known as Lizard Manor, once 
the Manor House of the Worshipful Company of 
Ironmongers, of London. 



AUGUST, 1718 

It would not be difficult to picture to ourselves tlie 
excitement produced by the preparations of tbose 
who contemplated removing to America. Families 
were closely allied in Ulster, and the a:ffairs of each 
one interested a wide circle. The itinerant weaver 
brought from Dublin tales of the New World, more 
or less accurate accounts of the life across the At- 
lantic, derived from ship captains, or even from 
American students at the University there. The 
frequent assignment of ministers for temporary 
service in other parishes than their own was a means 
of carrying the news. A few years after Boyd set 
forth Archbishop Boulter said that the desire for 
emigration had gone through Ulster like a fever; 
and we may well believe that letters from Cotton 
Mather, William Homes and Thomas Craighead had 
great influence. 

There was much to be done by a family before 
removal. A supply of food, clothing and bedding 
was necessary ; and the house-hold goods had to be 
packed for the long voyage. The land, the farm ani- 
mals and the heavier tools must be sold. These were 


busy days, and the partings must have been hard 
for all, unless friends hoped to follow soon. In leav- 
ing their Churches the emigrants did not fail to pro- 
cure testimonials of good standing to be used in 
forming fresh religious ties in New England. We 
find mention of these testimonials at Eutland, at 
Needham, Middleboro and elsewhere, but rarely the 
actual text. That brought over by William Cald- 
well, one of the defenders of Londonderry, was lost 
only a few years ago. It was written on parchment 
the size of a half sheet of note paper :^ 

^^The bearer, William Caldwell, his wife Sarah 
Morrison, with his children, being designed to go to 
New England in America — These are therefore to 
testifie they leave us without scandal, lived with us 
soberly and inoffensively, and may be admitted to 
Church priviledges. Given at Dunboe Aprile 9, 1718, 
by Jas. Woodside, Jr. Minister/'^ 

Parker, in his History of Londonderry, says that 
the pioneers ^^ embarked in five ships for Boston, and 
arrived there August 4, 1718." This statement has 
been repeated wherever the Scotch Irish have been 
mentioned, but with no added information since 
Parker's day. In one place only can the names of 
the ships be found, and it is not a little strange that 
no student of the subject up to this time has had the 

^ Mr. Edmund M. Barton obtained these facts from Mrs. Charles 
B. Stevens, daughter of Seth Caldwell of Barre. 

*Barre Anniversary, 1874, p. 205. The "Jr." is omitted here- 


curiosity to bring these names to light. They are to 
many thousands of people as important as the May- 
flower and the Speedwell are to those of pilgrim 
descent. Only one newspaper was being issued in 
North America in 1718, and of the files for July, 
August and September but one copy of each issue is 
known to exist. At the rooms of the Massachusetts 
Historical Society I examined these papers, and here 
print every known detail regarding arrivals from 
Ireland at the port of Boston for these three months. 

It is our phenomenal good fortune that at this 
precise moment a gentleman in Boston was watch- 
ing each ship as it discharged its passengers, and 
was writing his impressions to Governor Winthrop 
of Connecticut. The Scotch Irish had no William 
Bradford nor John Winthrop to chronicle their 
transplanting, but the Boston News-Letter and 
Thomas Lechmere's letters give us a not unworthy 
picture of the arrival nearly two centuries ago. To 
these sources let us add the diary of Cotton Mather, 
the patron of the *^poor Scotch.'' 

The News-Letter for July 21-28 mentions the 
arrival from Ireland of the ship *^ William and 
Mary,'' James Montgomery, master; the issue for 
August 25-September 1 states that she had cleared 
for Dublin. 

The ^^ William and Mary" brought over the Rev. 
William Boyd of Macosquin, the leader, of the move- 


ment ; and Cotton Mather writes July 25tli : ** A min- 
ister arrived from Ireland, w*^ Instructions to en- 
quire -after ye circumstances of this countrey^ in 
order to ye coming of many more, gives me an oppor- 
tunity for many services." 

The next day Mather says : 

'^The many Families arriving from Ireland, will 
afford me many opportunities, for kindness to ye 
Indigent.*' Mather here uses ** arriving" to mean 
'* about to arrive," having found through conversa- 
tion with Mr. Boyd that many settlers were on their 
way from Ireland. 

The first of the Scotch-Irish emigrant ships is re- 
ferred to in the News-Letter of July 28-August 4 
as from Londonderry, John Wilson, master, but the 
ship's name is not given. She probably came in on 
the 28th, for Lechmere, having been instructed by 
his brother-in-law Winthrop to find a suitable miller 
among incoming passengers, wrote on the 28th at 
*^ Eleven of ye Clock at night": ^^ShiJ)ps are come- 
ing in hourly, but no news ; Irish f amilys enough ; 
above 200 souls are come in allready, & many now 
hourly expected ; so that I wish you were here ; they 
are none to be sold, have all paid their passages 
sterl^ in Ireland; they come upon some encourage- 
ment to settle upon some unimproved Lands, upon 
what other Towns I know not. "... 

*This seems to disprove the theory referred to by Professor 
Perry that Boyd "stayed the summer in Boston." 


The next issue of the News-Letter seems to refer 
to this arrival in the following advertisement : ^ * Sun- 
dry Boys times for Years by Indentures, young 
Women and Girls by the Year, portable Linnen, 
Woolen and Beef to be disposed of by Mr. William 
Wilson at his Warehouse in Merchants Eow, Bos- 

It may seem difficult to harmonize the varying 
views of Mather and Lechmere as to the standing of 
these emigrants, but Lechmere was interested in the 
better class, men with trades who had left remuner- 
ative occupations to come to New England, and 
they of course paid their passage-money before their 
arrival here. In the same ships came kinsmen who 
had no property and could cross the ocean only by 
agreeing to work out their passage-money. The 
passengers of this kind probably became the Worces- 
ter Colony. And with them were a few ignorant 
adventurers who came over as indentured servants 
to try their fortunes ; in these Mather as a minister 
felt a kindly interest. But there is evidence that in 
several of the ships of July and August there were 
many prosperous, religious families from the coun- 
ties of Londonderry and Antrim, influenced to mi- 
grate by Boyd, McGregor, McKeen, Gregg and other 

The second emigrant ship reached Boston on the 
4th of August, the traditional date of arrival among 
the descendants of the settlers of the New Hamp- 


sMre Londonderry. The vessel is referred to in the 
News-Letter of August 4-11 as the brigantine *^Eob- 
ert," James Ferguson, master, **from Glasgow and 
Belfast in Ireland." The same day Lechmere, writ- 
ing to Winthrop for himself and his wife Ann, says : 
**I have this day according [to] yo'' directions made 
Enquiry after a miller, & a Vessel comeing in this 
day from Scottland, I find there is a young fellow of 
about 24 years of age. . . . This day are likewise 
Severall Vessells come in from all Parts, but no 
News ; I am of Opinion all the north of Irland will 
be over here in a little time, here being another Ves- 
sell y* is a Third, with Irish family s come in, & 5 
more, as they say, expected, & if their report be true, 
as I this day heard, if the Encouragem" given to 
these be liked at Irland ; 20 ministers with their con- 
gregations in generall will come over in Spring; I 
wish their comeing so over do not prove fat all in the 
End." Lechmere 's letter settles the point that the 
ship which arrived about the 25th with Mr. Boyd did 
not bring Scotch emigrants. We have then: 

July 28th? , John Wilson, from London- 

August 4th. Robert, James Ferguson, from Glas- 
gow and Belfast. 

August 4th. William, Archibald Hunter, from 

The third Scotch Irish emigrant ship, the "Wil- 
liam, ' ' set sail from Coleraine, the heart of the dis- 


trict from which most of the early settlers came. 
The News-Letter of August 4^11 mentions the ship 
^* William," Archibald Hunter, from Coleraine; she 
cleared for Ireland the last week in August. Lech- 
mere refers to her as the third ship with Irish fam- 
ilies that had arrived, and states that she and the 
**Eobert'' entered on the same day. 

Cotton Mather's dream of a great migration from 
Protestant Ireland was coming true. On the 7th of 
August he writes: *'But what shall be done for the 
great Numbers of people, that are transporting 
themselves thither from ye North of Ireland : — Much 
may be done for ye Kingdom of God in these parts 
of ye world, by this Transportation.'' A month 
later, September 13th, he says: ** Among ye Fam- 
ilies arrived from Ireland, I find many & wondrous 
objects for my compassions. Among other meth- 
ods of helping ym, I would enclose a sum of money 
w**" a Nameless Letter, unto one of their ministers to 
be distributed among ym." 

Although these emigrants were viewed with dis- 
trust by most New Englanders, the two chief figures 
in Boston at this time, Mather and Samuel Sewall, 
showed their ministers marked courtesy. On the 
9th of August, Sewall writes in his diary that at 
seven ^'Mr. Macgregor and Mr. Boyd dine with me 
and my Son J. S. and James Clark. ^ Gave the Scots 
Ministers each of them one of my Proposals. ' ' 

Meanwhile Winthrop wrote from Connecticut that 

The Winthrop Mill at New London 


the miller whom Lechmere had selected was too ex- 
pensive and hinted that his brother-in-law had been 
overreached. Lechmere was an improvident aristo- 
crat, brother to Lord Lechmere, and Winthrop had 
reason at this time and later on to question the judg- 
ment of this husband of his sister. Lechmere replied 
rather hotly, and his estimate of the Scotch Irish, 
while not entirely reliable under these circumstances, 
is worthy of record. The letter is dated at Boston 
August 11, 1718, and reads: ''As to y^ Miller, the 
price is really as you are informed & whoever tells 
you that Servants are cheaper now then they were, 
it is a very gross mistake, & give me leave to tell 
you your Informer has given you a very wrong 
information about y^ cheapness thereof, for never 
were they dearer then now, there being such demand 
for them, & likewise pray tell him he is much out of 
the way to think that these Irish are Servants, they 
are generally men of Estates, & are come over hither 
for no other reason but upon Encouragement sent 
from hence upon notice given y"^ they should have so 
many acres of Land given them gratis to settle our 
ffrontiers as a barrier against y° Indians ; therefore 
y^ notion given you hereof is absolutely groundless ; 
the price of the Miller as proposed was 20£ & did 
not think of' selling his time under sd sum, but since 
I wrote you he tells me would not stand with me for 
20 or 30 £ — thinking I should pay him ready money 
for him. It is now too late to think any thing farther 


of Mm. Many inquireing after him, & lie was kept 
for yo"" answer, which I think is somewhat darke, but 
lett that be what it will, conld I advance so much 
bank stock, w^ is very low, I should still endeav"" to 
gett him, & so it being out of my power I must wholly 
desist from any such thought. I know yo"" necessity 
is such I would willingly do anything for y'' interest 
was I capable. ... 

Yo^ Very Affect^ Bro & Serv^ 

Tho^ Lechmere 

I should be glad you would send my Gunn down by 
some body or other. These confounded Irish will 
eat us all up provisions being most extravagantly 
dear & scarce of all sorts." 

The News-Letter which notices the arrival of the 
ship ^^ William'' mentions also the ship '^Mary 
Anne," Andrew Watt, master, from Dublin; she 
cleared about a fortnight later for Great Britain.^ 

It is doubtful if the ^^Mary Anne" brought any 
Scotch Protestants from Dublin as part of the Bann 
Valley company. But the emigrants on the other 
ships beheld what must have been an unprecedented 

*The same issue of the "News-Letter has this advertisement: 
"Newly Imported and to be disposed of at reasonable Rates by 
Messieurs TTio Steel and Geo Bethime, at their Warehouse in 
Merchants Row, Boston, sundry European Goods, vis Iron, Cord- 
age, Broadcloths, Stuffs, Linnens and Madera Wines: Also 
Servants bound by Indenture, some four and some for five Years 
to be seen on board the 'Mary Anne' Andrew Watt Commander 
now at Anchor near the end of the Long Wharff, Boston." 


sight in Boston harbor, five ships from Ireland lying 
at anchor at the same time, the *^ William and 
Mary," the ship of the nnknown name, the **Eob- 
ert,'' the ^* William'^ and the ''Mary Anne.'' This 
doubtless made a deep and lasting impression upon 
minds alert to every new sight and thought as the 
emigrants were borne slowly up the beautiful bay. 

A month later a second ship from Dublin, the 
''Dolphin," John Mackay, master, came in. The 
News-Letter which notices her arrival has this to say 
of her cargo : 

"Just arrived the Pink 'Dolphin' John MacJcay, 
Master, with Servants, Boys, Tradesmen, Husband- 
men, and Maids, to be disposed of by Mr John 
Walker^ at his Warehouse at the lower end of Wood- 
mansy Wharif in Merchants Row, or at Mr Benja- 
min Walker's House over against the^Town House, 

There were few if any Scotch Irish on the "Dol- 
phin," but on the first of September a fourth emi- 
grant ship arrived, the "Maccallum," James Law, 
master, from Londonderry. Lechmere states that 
she brought "20 odd familys," and among the pas- 
sengers was probably a Scotch schoolmaster to 
whom Mather refers September 6th as here from 
Ireland and wanting employment. From Lech- 
mere's letter it may be questioned whether the com- 
pany on the "Maccallum" was closely allied with 
those on the ships from Belfast and Coleraine. He 


writes: ^^Tliis day a Ship arrived from Irland w*^ 
20 odd f amilys ; they were first bound for N London 
but haveing a long Passage the M" perswaded y™ to 
putt in here, so the poor Creatures are left in y® 
Lurch. ' ' From the statement that their destination 
was not that of the other emigrants although they 
must have embarked at about the same time, it would 
seem that they had other plans in view, and had not 
come under the immediate influence of Boyd and 
McGrregor. This company probably came with the 
Rev. James Woodside of Garvagh, in the Bann Val- 

The bargaining which went on for a week between 
Captain Law of the ^^Maccallum'' and Captain Rob- 
ert Temple, later a famous colonizer in Maine, came 
to naught. Temple could not persuade Law and 
his company to continue their voyage to Connecti- 
cut, and on the eighth of September the ^^Maccal- 
lum^^ sailed out of Boston harbor, for the territory 
owned by the Gentlemen Proprietors of Eastern 
Lands, at the mouth of the Kennebec River. Law 
then perhaps satisfied his desire to take on a load 
of staves at or near Kittery on the Piscataqua and 
returned to Boston by October 7th, when he ap- 
peared in court to give surety for several of his 
passengers. He cleared for Londonderry the first 
week in December, 1718. 

Lechmere's letter describing the affair is so good 
an account of the trials of the bewildered and nearly 


helpless emigrants that I continue the quotation 
begun above: . . . *^Pray if any thereof should 
still have any inclination to come yo'' way to settle 
in Connecticut, I should be glad. You would aggree 
to their Settling about Tantiusques, w'' in my Opin- 
ion is y^ best place, & M^ Temple is doeing what he 
can still to perswade y^ M^ to proceed for y"" place, 
he intends to load Bolts & Staves home for Ireland 
& when I saw him among other talke I assured him 
he might load cheaper w'^ you then at Piscataqua; 
how sd M^ Temple will worke on him I know not. 
Y® method they go in w*^ y® Irish is they sell y"" so 
many Acres of Land for 12^ y" acre & allow y" time 
to pay y* in. I know Land is more Valuable w*^ you, 
& therefore I am afraid 'twill be y® more difficult to 
aggree with y"". Y® only thing I can think off is y"" 
Quantity you allow y"" must be the less, you are the 
best judge so I leave it wholly to you, tho at same 
time should be glad of yr Thought thereof, & assure 
you y" in my opinion it would be greatly for yr 

Lechmere's next letter shows Temple working to 
induce the company to settle at Merrymeeting Bay 
at the mouth of the Androscoggin. In this he was 
successful, and it is possible that the experience first 
turned his mind seriously to the transportation of 
Ulstermen to these Eastern lands. During the next 
two years several ships came over under his man- 
agement with settlers for the Kennebec. The letter 
f oUows : 


''Boston Sepf 8^^1718. 

''As to y^ Irish, I have acquainted Mr. Temple with 
what you write, he seem's not willing they should 
take up w^^ y" proposall you mention ; y^ Gent. Pro- 
priet." of ye Eastern Lands hearing, I was talkeing 
with y™ about Settling some of them have (as I hear) 
made new proposalls to them wherupon they have 
resolved with sd Mr Temple to visitt said Lands 
whither they are bound this afternoon; what they 
will conclude on I know not. ' ' 

The deposition of David Dunning of Brunswick^ 
in 1767 states that "on or about the vear 1718 he 
came first to Boston in the same vessel with Andrew 
McFadden and wife (now a widow) ; soon after we 
came in the same vessel down together to the east- 
ern country, and I have lived in Brunswick ever 
since 1718/' Jane McFadden stated that they moved 
down to the Kennebqc Eiver and up Merrymeeting 
Bay to a place called Cathance (now Bowdoinham). 
Here we seem to trace the company which came over 
in the "Maccallum;'' if the inference is correct this 
company left a record on Cyprian Southack's map 
of 1720 as "the Irish new settlement." McFadden 
came from G-arvagh in the Bann Valley, and was 
probably of the Kev. James Woodside's company. 
We should expect all emigrants from the Bann to 
be followers of the Eev. William Boyd, who had 

* New England Historical and Genealogical Register, Vol. 39, p. 


come out to Governor Shute as their accredited 
agent, but it is possible that Boyd and Woodside 
were not in sympathy, since Woodside 's company 
intended to settle in New London — a town never 
mentioned by Boyd or McGrregor/ 

The Neivs-Letter for September 22-29, 1718, 
prints a report that a vessel had arrived at Casco 
Bay from Ireland, with several passengers on board* 
and a minister. This report refers no doubt to this 
company which sailed out of Boston harbor on Sep- 
tember 8th. 

The followers of McGregor and James McKeen, 
also from the Bann Valley, must have sailed later 
in the season, for their ship upon arriving at Casco 
Bay was frozen in. Major Samuel Gregg in his rem- 
iniscences says that his grandfather James Gregg, 
a bleacher of linen cloth, in the Eev. Mr. Boyd's 
parish of Macosquin, near Coleraine, landed at Bos- 
ton August 4th ^*with several other passengers that 
came in other ships. The ship that they [Gregg's 
immediate neighbors] came in as passengers went 
down East and spent the winter at Casco which is 
now called Portland.'' 

This incident is so well established in the tradi- 
tional history of the Londonderry Scotch-Irish — 
it accords so well with the known facts — that we may 
accept the statement that Gregg and his friends who 

* It is just pdssible that Lechmere was misinformed and that the 
"Maccallum" never intended to go to New London. 


went to Casco Bay sailed in the ship in which they 
had crossed the ocean. These men under the imme- 
diate leadership of the Eev. James McGregor came 
from Coleraine and neighboring towns in the Bann 
Valley, and the next spring (1719) they founded 
Nntfield, now Londonderry, New Hampshire. It 
would seem to be a reasonable assumption that the 
Nutfield colony, including the few who remained at 
Casco Bay, had crossed the sea on the ship ^^ Wil- 
liam, '^ which left Coleraine in April or May, or on 
the brigantine ^^ Robert'' from Belfast, a more at- 
tractive port of departure, or in both ships. The 
*^ William'' is reported as *^ cleared" in the News- 
Letter for August 25-September 1 and as ^^ outward 
bound" September 15-22. She seems to have re- 
turned to Ireland. 

Ferguson, captain of the ^^Eobert," was in town 
October 7th to attend court ; and this suggests that 
he may have lain in the outer harbor during the time 
intervening between his clearing from Boston and 
his attendance at court. With him on the voyage 
from Ireland came Jolm Armstrong, his wife and 
five children, who were unable to convince the au- 
thorities in Boston that they were self-supporting. 
Captain Ferguson was ordered before the Court of 
General Sessions of the Peace to answer '^for bring- 
ing in his vessell and landing in this Town John 
Armstrong, his wife and five children who cannot 
give Security to Indemnify the Town as the Law 





requires." Ferguson's explanation that three of 
the children were^servants by indenture did not en- 
tirely satisfy the Court, and it was *^ Ordered that 
the s*^ fferguson carry the s"* Armstrong wife & two 
youngest Children out of the Province or Indemnify 
the Town.'' Finally the Captain and William Wil- 
son, at whose wharf they probably landed, became 
sureties in £100 each that the Armstrong family, 
would not come back upon the town for support.* If 
this is the same John Armstrong who later in the 
year heads a petition from the Scotch Irish set- 
tlers at Falmouth, this is very good evidence that 
he, who certainly came over from Belfast in the 
brigantine **Eobert," soon after went in her to 
Casco Bay with the little company from the Bann 
Valley. On the whole this seems probable, and it 
would follow that the Eev. James McG-regor and his 
well-to-do connection, the Greggs, McKeens and 
others who according to Major Gregg crossed the 
ocean in the ship which afterward carried them to 
Casco Bay, journeyed a few miles to Belfast to take 
passage in the ''Eobert," while the families in more 
moderate condition, with the heavier freight, came 
down the Bann from Coleraine in the larger ship, the 

We get some impression of the appearance of 
these ships from the view of Boston drawn by Wil- 

* Records Court of General Sessions of the Peace, Suffolk County, 
October 7, 1718. 



liam Burgis in 1722 and commonly called Price's 
View. Lying off Boston are many forms of craft, 
some at anchor and others bending to a good breeze. 
In the foreground are two stately vessels, one like 
the ^^ William," a ship with full body, a blunt bow 
and high stern, three masts and a wealth of rigging ; 

'^C. I I 

A Brigantine of 1718 

another like the * ^ Eobert, ' ' with more rounding bow 
and stern, a foremast square rigged like those of the 
ship, but with the main mast fore-and-aft rigged like 
a sloop. The '* Eobert" we think of as a herma- 
phrodite brig, but the English sailor of old would 
have called her a brigantine, as she was classed by 
the News-Letter. 
It requires some effort to realize that a great part 


of our population owes its place on this side the 
Atlantic to the slow, clumsy but rather impressive 
ships of the types to be seen in the drawing by Bur- 
gis. Nor do we easily comprehend the weariness of 
the voyage or even its hazard. The Pirate and the 
God of Storms shared an annual harvest of lives 
and fortunes. Let us take two incidents in a single 
year. The ship ^* Friends Goodwill" left Larne on 
the coast of Antrim about the first of May in the 
year 1717. Meeting constant head winds the ship 
made very poor progress, and food ran so low that 
the fifty-two persons on board came to want. Cap- 
tain Gooding or Goodwin fortunately fell in with 
another vessel and obtained provisions. Continual 
bad weather brought further delay, and hunger 
again threatened. Short allowance of water, bread, 
and meat brought only a temporary reprieve from 
starvation, and the crew soon were set to catching 
dolphins and sharks which a ''good Providence" 
placed in their path. Eains came and the water was 
gathered from the decks to quench the thirst. When 
May, June and July, months of constant anxiety, had 
passed August brought so great a storm that the 
ship lay like a thing deserted, her decks awash, her 
sailors weak and exhausted. With September the 
sun shone, but their hunger increased, and in des- 
peration they began to speak of drawing lots to de- 
cide whom should be eaten first. The Captain how- 
ever now held out hope of land and about the sec- 


ond week of September the '^Friends Goodwill" 
crept up Boston harbor with only one of her com- 
pany dead/ 

A pirate could hardly do greater damage. Cap- 
tain Codd who came into Philadelphia from Dublin 
in October with one hundred and fifty passengers, 
many of them servants, reported having been taken 
off the Capes by Teach of *'the Pirate sloop Eevenge 
of 12 Guns and 150 men. ' ' Teach took two snows ; 
from one he threw overboard a great load of staves 
and crowded her with the passengers and crews of 
subsequent captures ; from the other he cast a load 
of grain and turned her into a pirate ship. Out of a 
sloop bound from Madeira Teach took twenty-seven 
pipes of wine, cut down her masts, and left her to 
drift. From another he took two casks and sank her. 
Other captures were made before Codd was per- 
mitted to complete his voyage. During this enforced 
delay the victims saw much of Captain Bennet who 
had relinquished the command of the *' Revenge" to 
Teach on account of his slow recovery from wounds 
received in a recent fight with a Spanish Man of 
War. Bennet took a walk in his '^morning gown" 
after each day's breakfast, and then devoted his 
time to study, surrounded by his books, of which he 
had a good library on board. The pirate, with his 

^News-Letter, September 9-16, 1717; November 25-December 2. 
The New England Weekly Journal, November 10, 1729, describes 
another voyage of even greater hardships. 


guns and his books, was more than the average mer- 
chantman could hope to resist. He added terror to 
the long voyage of the emigrant from Ireland/ 

^News-Letter, November 4-11, 1717. The researches made by- 
Mr, Edwin M. Bacon and Mr. John H. Edmonds have very gen- 
erously been placed at my disposal in preparing this chapter. 



In July and August, 1718, from five to seven hun- 
dred Protestant immigrants from Ireland entered 
the port of Boston. Several followers of the Eev. 
Mr. McGregor set out early in the autumn for And- 
over where they spent the winter. Others as we 
have seen went to Casco Bay and the Kennebec 

Family ties no doubt drew some into the neighbor- 
ing towns, although all trace of these influences have 
been lost. 

Among the early emigrants who came probably 
from the north of Ireland many were scattered 
through towns not known thereafter as distinctly 
Scotch Irish settlements. Where we find one family 
others are almost certainly to be found, disguised it 
may be by an English name. The following names 
are given as an indication of the wide distribution of 
the emigrants. Some families are merely known 
to be Scotch, others are Presbyterians who brought 
their babies to the Rev. Mr. Moorhead in Boston for 
baptism, while in still other instances the home town 
in Ireland has been or can be found by reference to 


the local churcli records/ James Long was in 
Charlestown, John Tom in Cambridge, Thomas 
Karr or Carr, John Pike, James Lindsay, James 
Taggart and John Brownlie in Eoxbnry, Eohert 
Burns and James Anil in Medford, James Moor in 
Chelsea, Jeremiah Smith and John Longhead in 
Milton, Archibald Thompson and Thomas Henry in 
Bridgewater, and John Kennedy, with Abraham 
Hunter, at Braintree. At Concord lived Samuel 
Henderson; Robert Wilson was at Maiden, Alex- 
ander Smith at Billerica, Thomas Little, Charles 
Richards, John Moor and James Gordon at Shirley, 
Daniel Ritter and Thomas Harkness at Lunenburg, 
Thomas Bogle at Sudbury, John McClure at Woburn 
and James Wilson at Lexington. Dugall McCombs 
was at Western, John McAllister at Westboro, Da- 
vid McClure at Brookfield, Andrew McElwain at 
Bolton, James Cargill at Mendon, Walter Beath at 
Lunenburg and at Boothbay in Maine, William Le- 
man at Wiscasset, and Mrs. James at Annajxolis. 
John Nichols lived at Freetown, John Wood and 
James Henry at Providence, and Archibald Mac- 
Kaye at Pomfret in Connecticut. 

With James Grlasford at Leicester was Matthew 
Watson who came from Coleraine in Ireland. James 
Smith of Needham brought a letter from the church 

* I am indebted to my sons Stanwood and Geoffrey for many- 
references to Scotch Irisji in country towns. 


in Ballykelly. At Middleboro^ was William Stro- 
bridge or Strawbridge, from Donagb (also called 
Cardonagb), Donegal, where the Rev. Thomas 
Strawbridge was minister from 1721 to 1762. At 
Lancaster there was a group of immigrants, Robert 
and Elizabeth Bratten from the church at Termont 
(or Clougherny), Tyrone, Robert Waite from Agha- 
dowey, Jane Macmullin from Dawsonbridge (Castle- 
dawson), William and Ellinor White from Dun- 
boe, Margaret Stuart from Bovedy, all in County 
Derry, as well as Alexander Scott and his wife 
'^from Ireland." At Dracut was Thomas Holmes 
from Coleraine, with a brother John at Boston. 

On the other hand an occasional voyager drifted 
back to Boston, perhaps forced from town to town 
lest he become a charge upon the rates. Thomas 
Crook came in the *^ Three Anns and Mary," Cap- 
tain Richards, master, to Casco Bay, and from there 
was carried in a fishing sloop to Salem *' where he, 
being sick, was turned out of Doors from House to 
House, till at length he got so far as Lyn, being then 
in a perishing condition & could proceed no further 
by reason of his Legs being dropsical, that at Lyn 
he was put under the Care & Direction of Dr. Brom- 

* In Middleboro there may have been several Scotch Irish set- 
tlers: James Nealson, John McCully, William McFall, Thomas 
Pickens, John Montgomery, and an earlier Scotch or Scotch Irish- 
man Alexander Canedy. (Weston's Middleboro, p. 434.) 

* Massachusetts Resolves, 1719-20, Chapter 21, 


The anthorities in Boston could not very well 
warn from town so great a company as that which 
arrived in 1718, although they shared Mr. Surveyor- 
General Lechmere's anxiety lest the ^^ confounded 
Irish" eat them out of house and home. The select- 
men met August 13th and impowered Mr. John 
Marion to appear before the Court of General Ses- 
sions of the Peace for the county of Suffolk * ^ to move 
what he Shall think proper in order to Secure this 
Town from Charges w*"^ may hapen to accrue or be 
imposed on them by reason of the Passengers Lately 
arived here from Ireland or elsewhere."^ During 
the winter many were warned to leave Boston, 
Thomas Walker, John Rogers, James Blare or 
Blair, with Elizabeth and Rachel, who had come over 
from Ireland in August;^ Anne Hanson who came 
down from Casco Bay, and Mehitable Lewis, from 
Piscataqua; Robert Holmes and wife, William 
Holmes and child, also from Casco Bay; and Alex- 
ander McGregory, lately from Ireland with his fam- 
ily ; they were all asked to leave or find sureties. 

The selectmen could not hope to save the town 
from charges for the support of those who had 
brought with them their modest savings, if the price 
of grain continued to rise. 

Before the Scotch Irish arrived the town had au- 
thorized the selectmen to expend for grain from time 

^ Selectmen's Records, Record Commission Reports, Vol. 13, p. 41. 
^ Suffolk Court Files, No. 12620, 


to time as mncli as they thought best out of the sum 
of £1500 received from the sale of lands at Blue Hill. 
In October the following vote was passed by the 
selectmen to keep down the price of Indian corn: 
*^ Voted: that in case any considerable quantity of 
Indian Corn be imported into this Town before the 
Shutting in of y® ensuing winter & exposed to Sale, 
In order to check an Exorbitant demand of y* Sellers 
thereof : — 

*^Any four of the Sel. men agreeing may open the 
Townes Granary and order the Sale of corn at four 
Shillings & Six pence p. bushel. ' ' 

On the 18th of December it was voted that *Hhe 
Grranaryes be opened for the Sale of Indian Corn 
on Fryday & Saterday next, viz* the South granary 
on Fryday, and the North Granary on Satterday, 
and on the next week following on Tuesday at the 
South and on Fryday at the North, and Mr. Galpine 
is directed to Sell out to the Inhabit*^ of this Town 
not exceeding one bushel to each buyer, at five Shil- 
lings p bushel, and he is directed to put up before 
hand one bushel in each of y^ Townes Baggs, and 
first receive each p'sons money and then Shift the 
Corn into their respective baggs, the hours ap- 
pointed to attend the Same is from nine to twelve in 
the fore noon and from two to four in the after 
noon & he is to Imploy y Cryer to cry at that price 
each buyer to bring good bill ready changed & to 
cry thr° th^ Towq on thursday.'' 


The need of wheat still pressing, the selectmen on 
December 19th agreed with the Hon. Jonathan 
Belcher for ten thousand pounds at forty shillings 
per hundred. The matter had become of so much 
importance that the Governor and Council advised 
the town to purchase grain in Connecticut if neces- 
sary in order to avoid distress. In January eight 
thousand pounds had been purchased. At the March 
town meeting, 1719, the inhabitants decided to lay 
out the entire sum of £1500 in grain to carry them 
through the spring months, and a committee of seven 
was appointed ^Ho consult together for the Releife 
of This Town under their present distresses.'' 

Through the kindness of Mr. Charles P. Green- 
ough I have had access to the account kept by David 
Stoddard of his purchases in Boston during the 
years 1717, 1718 and 1719. Mr. Stoddard paid six 
shillings per bushel for wheat in the spring of 1717, 
and three shillings for Indian corn. In the spring 
of 1719, with the Scotch Irish in Boston, wheat had 
nearly doubled in price, selling for ten shillings per 
bushel, while corn which had brought three now 
brought five shillings. A study of the prices of small 
fruits and vegetables shows no material change due 
to the presence of the Scotch Irish. 

Before Arrival. After Arrival. 

0-0-9 (May 31, 1718) 1 qt. gooseberries 0-0- 9 (May 31, 1719) 

0-0-3 (June 25, 1718) 1 qt. currants 0-0- 3 (June 20, 1719) 

0-1-0 (July 1, 1718) 1 qt. beans 0-0- 9 (June 27, 1719) 

0-0-3 (June 28, 1718) 1 qt. cherries 0-0- 3 (July 13, 1719) 


The prices after the arrival of the emigrants in 
the summer of 1718, and again twelve months later 
when presumably many had left Boston, were: 


Summer of 1718. • Summer of 1719. 

0-1-0 (Aug. 19, 1718) 1 cabbage 0-0-10 (Aug. 13, 1719) 

0-0-2 (Aug. 27, 1718) 1 qt. Damsons [plums] 0-0- 3 (Aug. 31, 1719) 

0-0-6 (Sept. 19, 1718) 1 cabbage 0-0- 4 (Sept. 14, 1719) 

0-4-6 (Nov. 4, 1718) 1 bu. carrots 0-5- (Nov. 16, 1719) 

There were many taverns in Boston at this time, 
about half of them managed under the names of 
women. These became the resort of numbers of 
idle immigrants, and the members of the Council, 
Justices, selectmen, and overseers of the poor agreed 
among themselves in August that for the next eight 
weeks they would walk the streets by turns at night 
to suppress disorders, and by their presence show 
that the land of promise was not to be a land of 

The winter of 1717-18 in Ireland had been very 
trying; small-pox, fevers and other afflictions pre- 
vailed there and especially in Ulster. We should 
expect to find further evidence of these conditions 
in the health of the passengers that left the ports of 
Ireland in the spring of 1718. As early as the year 
1714 the ship ^* Elizabeth and Kathrin'' from Ire- 
land had landed sick persons on Spectacle Island^ 
by order of the Government ; and again in 1716 the 

^Province Laws, 1714, Chapter 45. 

Captain John Bonneb's Map of Boston 


island was used for the same purpose. In 1717 a 
pest house was built, but before its completion some 
eighty persons from Ireland were put ashore. In 
the year 1718 *' seven several companies^' were left 
on Spectacle Island before June 17th,^ a fact which 
seems puzzling, since arrivals from abroad between 
January 1st and June 17th of that year were few; 
but the contemporary record is clear and beyond 
controversy. Some of these infected companies 
must have come from other American ports. A 
large ship-load from Ireland was detained in No- 
vember, 1719.^ The inference from these facts seems 
to be that if any of the immigrants of July and Au- 
gust, 1718, were detained with contagious diseases' 
they were inconsiderable in number and thus found 
no place in the records. 

These were busy days in Boston. The batteries 
were repaired and the defences across the Neck were 
finished. Streets were being paved, projects were on 
foot for bringing in coal by sea, the weight and price 
of loaves of bread were fixed, schoolmasters were 
employed, and provision was made for the reading 
of God's word, catechising, and the encouragement 
of good spelling. 

In so large a place it is not easy to discover the 
names of those who arrived from Ireland in 1718 
and 1719, and settled down to remain there. It is 

^Province Laws, 1718-19, Chapter 19. 
''Ibid, 1719-20, Chapter 68. 


said that the Eev. John Moorhead, who was born 
near Belfast, and came to Boston in 1727, was in- 
duced to remain in town by the kindly welcome ex- 
tended to him from resident families that he had 
known some years before.^ 

We must remember, however, that Mr. Moorhead 
did not arrive until the migration from Ireland had 
been growing for several years. The records of 
marriages performed in Boston after July, 1718, 
show Scotch Irish names, as the following examples 
indicate : — 

William Blair and Mary Phillips, Oct. 29, 1718. 

Cornelius Campbell and Eliza Short, September 
17, 1718. 

James Duncan and Eliza. Bason, December 16, 

It will be found that the Campbells, Duncans, 
Blacks, Bethunes and others came before 1718, and 
most of them from Scotland. The following births, 
however, may suggest the Scotch-Irish immigration : 

Lydia, daughter of William MacHnley and Lydia, 
born 12 March, 1718-19. 

Lydia, daughter of William Forbish and Sarah, 
born 12 March, 1718-19. 

William, son of William Doke and Lydia, born 29 
April, 1719. 

But a careful study of Boston birth and marriage 
records for 1718 and 1719 would seem to indicate 

*A. Blaikie's Presbyterian Church in New England, p. 62. 


that the immigrants of these years went very gener- 
ally into the country. The Boston Scotch Irish 
came later. 

"We know little of the feeling towards these Scotch 
emigrants from Ireland shown by Boston people, 
although elsewhere they were disliked. An impor- 
tant incident of the next winter throws some light 
upon the subject, and for that reason it will be men- 
tioned here. Benjamin Gray, a bookseller and pub- 
lisher, offered for sale books on religion, and from 
time to time published works by Scotch presbyte- 
rians. Naturally then the Eev. William Boyd be- 
came a frequent visitor to Gray's shop. Boyd, as a 
leader of men, as an able preacher, and as a writer, 
was for a few months a prominent figure in Boston. 
At this period he was living in Charlestown at Cap- 
tain John Long's hotel, or 'Hhe great tavern," as it 
was called. 

It happened that Mr. Boyd was in the shop on 
February 7, 1718-19, a Saturday, talking with 
friends when Edward Ellis, son of Eobert Ellis, a 
surgeon, entered. Ellis soon became abusive, and 
singling out the Eev. Mr. Boyd he said that the 
Scotch Irish clergyman was an immoral man, and 
as evidence asserted that Boyd had had improper 
relations with a maid-servant in Captain Long's 
employ. Ellis was at once arrested and his case 
came before the Court of General Sessions of the 
Peace for Suffolk County on April 7th. He was con- 


victed, sentenced to pay twenty pounds, seven sMl- 
lings, and to find sureties to be bound in twenty five 
pounds each that be would be of good bebavior for 
six montbs, and be was ordered also to pay all tbe 
costs of tbe prosecution. Tbe prominence of Ellis 
is made clear by tbe fact tbat tbe men wbo came to 
bis assistance as sureties were botb well known, Eob- 
ert Aucbmuty, Esquire, and Tb,omas Pbillips, Inn- 
bolder. Ellis was discbarged November 10, 1719. 

Over against tbis incident we may place tbe fol- 
lowing sentence from tbe Eev. Increase Matber's 
Preface to Boyd's farewell sermon wbicb was deliv- 
ered Marcb 19, 1719 : ^ ' Since bis being in New Eng- 
land (as well as before tbat) by tbe Exemplary boli- 
ness of bis Conversation, and tbe Eminency of bis 
Ministerial Gifts, be bas obtained good Eeport 
amongst all Good Men." 

At tbe close of tbe sermon, mentioned above, tbe 
Governor invited Mr. Boyd to dine, tbe company in- 
cluding tbe Eev. Cotton Matber, tbe Eev. James 
Woodside wbo bad ordained Mr. Boyd in Ireland, 
Samuel Sewall, and a Mr. Stanton. 

Tbe Eev. Jobn Moorbead, son of a respected 
farmer at Newton, near Belfast, county Down, was 
born tbere in 1703. He studied at tbe University 
of Edinburgb, and, upon bis return to Newton, ac- 
counts tbat be beard of New England led bim to emi- 
grate to Boston. He arrived in 1727 and soon after 
undertook services, tbe people wbom be gatbered 

The Rev. John Mooehead, 
"Minister of a Church of Presbyterian Strangers in Boston" 

(Drawn by John Huybers) 


about him calling themselves the ^^ Church of Pres- 
byterian strangers." He was ordained as their 
pastor March 30, 1730. Among these people was 
John Little, a prosperous gardener, who exhibited 
much interest. He had a house on Milk Street, and 
in May, 1729, purchased land for a garden at the cor- 
ner of Long Lane and Bury Street. In Mr. Little's 
barn which stood on this land services were held for 
several years, the congregation making additions to 
the barn and alterations from time to time. Elders 
were first elected July 14, 1730, and John Young, 
Eobert Patton, Samuel McClure,^ Eichard McClure 
and Thomas McMullen were chosen to fill this office. 
They watched over those who had been baptized, 
cared for the sick and needy, and reproved the err- 
ing. Mr. Moorhead visited each family, whether in 
town or country, once or twice a year to talk with 
the parents and catechise children and servants. At 
the close of each visit he knelt in prayer with the 

In June, 1735, Mr. Little conveyed the barn or 
meeting house and land on the north east corner of 
Long Lane to a Committee appointed by the Congre- 
gation to hold the property in trust. The members 
of this Committee were George G-len, a tailor, who 
had come from South Carolina in 1719, "William 

^ Grandfather of the Rev. David McClure, D. D., whose Diary 
has been published. David's son and grandson held the same 


Hall a leather-dresser, "William Shaw a tailor, and 
Andrew Knox a mariner, all of Boston.^ Other 
members of the church interested in the negotiations 
which preceded the transfer were Edward Allen, 
tailor, George Sutherland, shopkeeper, Daniel Mac- 
Neal, laborer, Samuel Miller, gunsmith, and Abra- 
ham All or Aul, tailor. In 1744 a large and dig- 
nified building was erected, and in 1788 by a 
change of street name the place of worship became 
th6 Federal Street church. Mr. Moorhead married 
June 22, 1730, Sarah Parsons, an English lady of 
refinement and some artistic talent; they had sev- 
eral children, Alexander, Parsons, Mary, John, Wil- 
liam, and Agnes or Ann Agnes. At least one of 
these, Agnes, who married Alexander Willson of 
Boston, left issue.^ 

His health began to fail a few years before his 
death; on the last Sunday in November, 1773, he 
preached twice, but upon returning home he became 
very ill and died on Thursday, December 2d.^ The 
Rev. David McGregor of Londonderry preached the 
funeral sermon, which was printed in 1774. Moor- 
head was a tall man, and rather corpulent. His 
character is described in a notice printed soon after 
his death : 

1 Suffolk Deeds, Vol. 51, p. 14. 

*Mary Moorhead, perhaps a relative, married in Boston, April 
3, 1732, Andrew Menford. 

'^Massachusetts Gazette and Boston Weekly News-Letter, No. 
3662, December 9, 1773. 


'^Very few men have left behind them a fairer or 
better character, — charitable and liberal to the poor, 
with a hearty disposition to render them every serv- 
ice in his power, — indnstrions and faithful in the 
dispensation of the word, and a most earnest desire 
for the good of sonls which was the actuating and 
ruling principle of his life. His mind was deeply 
impressed with the importance of the truth of the 
atonement of Jesus Christ as the only well grounded 
hope of salvation and happiness in a future state; 
this made him anxiously desirous to communicate 
that impression to others. With this view his labors 
were incessant. In all his discourses from the sacred 
desk he held up this grand truth as the only principle 
upon which depended the very existence of Chris- 
tianity; also frequently visiting the families of his 
flock, and endeavoring to inspire them to practice 
as well as believe the Grospel. His honesty of heart, 
open and frank manner of address, rendered him at 
all times an able and faithful adviser. ' '^ 

The administrators of Mr. Moorhead's estate, 
William McNeil and the unmarried daughter Mary 
Moorhead, reported £ 223 - 3 - 11 to be divided be- 
tween the son Alexander and the daughters Mary 
Moorhead and Agnes or Ann Agnes Willson.^ 

John Little, the early benefactor of the Scotch 

^ Massachusetts Gazette and Boston Weekly News-Letter, Decem- 
ber 9, 1773. 
= Suffolk Wills, Vol. 74, p. 356. 


Irish in Boston, was a son of Archibald Little with 
whom he came to Boston. John Little at his death 
in 1741 left two minor sons John and Moses, a 
daughter Mary having died in infancy. His will pro- 
vided for his family, but in case the sons were to die 
before marriage and before reaching the age of 
twenty one, he instructed his executors Henry Ber- 
ing and Andrew Cunningham to transfer his prop- 
erty to the Overseers of the Poor to be invested by 
them as a trust. The annual income was to be used 
for the employment of a schoolmaster to teach read- 
ing, writing and arithmetic to the ^ * poor Protestant 
children whose Parents are of the Kingdom of Ire- 
land and Inhabitants of Boston.'' Their books and 
materials, with psalter, testament and Bible, were to 
be furnished free. Children between the ages of 
seven and fourteen were eligible.^ Had his sons 
died in childhood Mr. Little's charity would have 
aided the Scotch Irish to this day and his name 
would have been known in our annals. 

Among those who came to Boston in or about 1727 
Peter Pelham, schoolmaster, painter and engraver, 
became the most eminent. He had close and kindly 
association with the Scotch Irish, and in 1751 he 
engraved a portrait of the Eev. Mr. Moorhead, one 
of the earliest of those of the Boston clergy made by 
him. John Little owed many favors to the Pelhams, 
and in 1741 he remembered Peter's son Charles in 

^ Suffolk Wills, Vol. 35, p. 476. 


his will ^^as a token of my love for the Friendship 
receiv ^d from his Father and Family. ' ' 

William Shaw, a Boston tailor and a memher of 
the committee to which John Little deeded the Pres- 
byterian meeting house in 1735, died soon after, leav- 
ing a very interesting will. His bequest of land in 
Kingsfield to a sister Jane, wife of ** William Mc- 
Clenenghen^' of Kingsfield, suggests that Shaw was 
closely allied with these settlers, many of whom came 
from the Rutland company. The Shaws of Kings- 
field, an early name for Palmer, Massachusetts, were 
Joshua, David, Samuel and Seth. The last three 
were deacons and men of influence. If Deacon Sam- 
uel is the '^brother Samuel" Shaw of our William's 
will we have a numerous progeny for William's 
father Samuel Shaw of Boston. Qaptain John Mc- 
Clanathan married Martha Shaw, perhaps a sister 
of Jane mentioned above, who married William 
McClanathan. It is evident that William Shaw of 
Mr. Moorhead's church was closely allied with 
Palmer; he was a *^ petitioner" there in 1732 and 
owner of a fifty acre home lot. Tradition says that 
the Shaws came from Queenstown in 1720, but their 
alliance with Rutland families may mean that they 
had lived in County Tyrone and merely took ship 
from Queenstown. 

Mr. Shaw left five pounds to the Presbyterian con- 
gregation in Long Lane, and his books to his friends. 
The titles of these volumes show what the Scotch 


Irish pioneer read : The Practical Sabbatarian, by 
John Wells, minister of St. Olave, Jewry ; Lectures 
upon the Fourth of John, by Arthur Hildersam, a 
puritan divine at Ashby de la Zouch ; A Sacramental 
Directory, by John Willison, minister at Dundee; 
Heaven upon Earth, by James Janeway, a minister 
at Eotherhithe; and The Great Concern of Salva- 
tion, by Professor Thomas Halliburton of St. An- 
drews. The last volume Shaw left to Alexander 
Thien. This book was published in 1721, so that the 
owner must have purchased it in Boston if he came 
in 1720. His great Bible and the work by Janeway 
he gave to Mrs. ^^Eupham" Johnson, and to her hus- 
band George his case of bottles — discriminating 
gifts, we may suppose ! To their daughter Mary he 
left his oval table and pocket Bible with silver 
clasps, as well as the books by Willison and Hilder- 
sam, and his candlesticks and fire-tongs. 

The clothing which he wore is described at some 
length: To his brother-in-law McClanathan his 
Camblet coat lined with green, and his black and 
white jacket; to his brother Samuel Shaw a Duroy 
coat, brown holland coat, and dimmity jacket; to 
Alexander Thien his coat with metal buttons. TW 
father was to hgve the grey suit of clothes trimmed 
with black, his ^^Rocquelo'' or roquelaure, a loose 
coat to be thrown over the shoulders, his silver shoe 
buckles, his linen, and Burkitt's Expository notes 
on the New Testament. To David Hoston or Huston 


and wife tie gave four pounds. The executors were 
Ms father and George Glen, tailor, his fellow mem- 
ber on the Church committee. The witnesses were 
William Hall, another member of the above men- 
tioned committee, James Johnson, and James Brad- 

Eobert Patten became an elder in Mr. Moorhead's 
church. But his father showed an interest in Trin- 
ity church and in his will remembered both faiths ; 
he left a gold ring and gloves to Mr. Moorhead, and 
£ 40 to the minister, wardens and vestry of Trinity.^ 

The Charitable Irish Society of Boston, instituted 
in 1737, was to be composed of persons **of the Irish 
Nation or extraction' ' ; and since the managers were 
to be Protestants (article viii) it is probable that the 
earliest members also were of that faith. Those who 
became members before the year 1742, when Eoman 
Catholics are first supposed to have been eligible to 
membership, number one hundred and sixteen.^ 
Many of them had been in Boston for several years, 
and had become prosperous merchants or mariners. 

The Scotch Irish began to arrive in Boston in 
considerable numbers as early as 1718. If we as- 
sume that most of these emigrants moved into the 
country towns their whereabouts is made clear. If, 
however, any great number remained in Boston we 

^ Suffolk Wills, Vol. 32, p. 179. 
Uhid, Vol. 69, p. 268. 
" See Appendix IV. 


may wonder that they made no impress on affairs 
before 1730, when the Presbyterian Church records 
begin. The surnames mentioned in these records 
give some idea of Boston Scotch Irish families, al- 
though parents came fifty miles for the rites of bap- 
tism, and in some cases there is no indication on the 
records that a family lived out-of-town. 


Cotton Mather had in mind very early that the 
emigrants from Ulster would be useful settlers on 
the frontier. In 1718 the village of Worcester could 
claim a position on the Massachusetts frontier, al- 
though it lay only forty miles from Boston. First 
settled in 1674, it was deserted in King Philip's war, 
1675, and again in Queen Anne's war, 1702. In 1713 
Jonas Rice courageously built a cabin at the north- 
ern end of Sagatabscot Hill, south east of the cen- 
tre of Worcester and near the Grafton line. Two 
years later his brother Gershom settled at Paka- 
choag Hill in th« south western part of the township, 
near a corner of the present Auburn. These Eng- 
lish settlers and others built a fort or garrison 
house of logs in 1717 on the west side of the present 
Main Street, near Chatham Street. The same year 
Obadiah Ward built his mill a little south east of the 
garrison house, and a year later Joshua Rice fin- 
ished a garrison house on the Jo Bill road, north of 
the Main Street garrison house. At the north east 
corner of Main and Exchange streets already stood 
Daniel Heywood's fortified tavern, a landmark even 



in those days on the great highway into the wilder- 

» R^him 

^Wpf cesser 

The little company of Scotch Irish settlers, poor, 
weary, laden with blankets and tools, flax-wheels and 

^ Wall's Worcester, 1877, Chapter 2. I am indebted to Mr. Law- 
rence Park of Groton for aid in preparing this chapter. Mr. Ben- 
jamin Thomas Hill of Worcester has read the manuscript and has 
placed his views of old houses at my disposal. 


cradles, watched tMs sandy path as it ran on through 
woodland and meadow, and dotted at intervals with 
garrison houses, which must have reminded them of 
danger. They came to act as a buffer against the 
Indians, and instead of welcome they received surly 
conversation from the few inhabitants who turned 
out to meet them. At the head of the party of emi- 
grants was the Eev. Edward FitzGerald from Lon- 
donderry, of whom less is known than of the other 
ministers of the migration. James McClellan was 
one of the leaders, and he may even have been in 
Worcester when the band of emigrants came slowly 
out from Boston, if he landed on July 28th, as seems 
possible. It was on Saturday, August 9th, of the 
week after the ships entered the harbor, that McClel- 
lan made terms with Gershom Eice of Worcester for 
a farm of seventy five acres.^ The price was forty 
one pounds. The land was bounded partly westerly 
by land in the possession of Captain Prentice, east- 
erly by land of Mr. John Smith, and every where 
else by common land, a country road six rods wide 
running through the farm. April 23d of the next 
year McClellan purchased from Nathaniel Jones 

^Middlesex Deeds, Vol. 19, p. 328. In the publications of the 
Worcester Society of Antiquity, Vol. 3, p. 144, the early Pro- 
prietors' Records are given. A plot made November 21, 1718, 
shows land laid out on the right of Captain Thomas Prentice, de- 
ceased, and "Macklelans land" is shown to be on "the Comon 
road," west of the Captain's land. In 1720 William McClellan's 
land is shown (page 157). 


another large tract of land bounded on the south 
by the town line and on the east by Gershom Rice's 
land and common land. These and later purchases 
formed a large farm between Pakachoag Hill and the 
Leicester line. 

McClellan at once became a factor in the Worces- 
ter of 1718, with its fifty-eight dwellings and its two 
hundred souls. Log cabins were built rapidly on 
the common land. Mr. Wall in his Reminiscences of 
Worcester indicates on his map the probable sites in 
1718 of the homes of the settlers, most of them 
Scotch Irish men who came with their families and 
so had to provide houses for them. Professor Perry 
thinks that at least fifty families of the old fashioned 
size settled in Worcester that autumn, doubling the 
population of the town.^ 

Religious services under the Rev. Mr. FitzGerald 
began in a garrison house near the intersection of 
the Boston and Lancaster roads,^ at the north end 
of the town. 

In the autumn* of 1718 or the summer of 1719 the 
Presbyterians began to erect a church of their own, 
on the west side of Lincoln street, ^'near the top of 
the hill, a little north of the Paine house.'' Through 
ignorance as to the religious views of the Scotch 
Irish, or more probably from a desire to force all 
the inhabitants of the town to attend and support 

* Proceedings Scotch Irish Society, 2d Congress, p. 111. 
= Lincoln's Worcester, p. 163. 


one cliurcli, the rougher element came together one 
night and destroyed the frame before much progress 
had been made. It is said that Deacon Daniel Hey- 
wood of the orthodox church lent his influence to 
this movement^ and that the **best people in town'' 
•were present. The destruction proved a crushing 
blow to those who clung tenaciously to their own 
form of worship. Many moved north onto a tract 
of land known as the settlers' part of the town. 
When, in 1722, forty or fifty families had gathered 
there this territory, six miles square, was incorpo- 
rated as Rutland. 

Many also went elsewhere, some gathering at Sut- 
ton to be under the Rev. John McKinstry, who began 
his ministry there about 1720; others moving to 
Londonderry in New Hampshire. The Scotch Irish 
did not entirely desert Worcester, although so few 
remained that they had no control of affairs in the 
annual town meetings, nor could they bear the bur- 
den of a minister of their own faith. The Rev. Mr. 
FitzGerald left them, but returned occasionally to 
preach, being referred to as late as 1729.^ A fejv 
years later the Presbyterians again attempted to 
form a church, and they called the Rev. William 
Johnston who is said to have come from Mullow- 
male, or Mullaghmoyle, county Tyrone. 

In 1737 John Clark and nine others, finding it 

* Carl's tour in Main Street, pp. 8, 146. 
^ Lincoln's Worcester, pp. 166, 191. 


burdensome to support Mr. Jolmston and at the 
same time aid tlie town's minister, asked the town 
to free them from taxation for the support of reli- 
gious services, but ^'ye Irish petition'' was voted 
down by '^a grate majority." Evidently the desig- 
nation *^ Irish" still clung to these Scotch and Eng- 
lish settlers from Ulster. Through adversity and 
isolation of old they had grown clannish and they 
did not assimilate well with the older New England 

If we could go back to these early years we should 
probably find that after FitzGerald's departure the 
Presbyterians attended the Congregational or town 
services, except when an itinerant or a passing min- 
ister of their own communion gathered the loyal 
band in a cabin to unite them in prayer or to baptize 
their children. 

The orthodox church was built in 1719 in front of 
the site of the present handsome city hall. At this 
period it was plain, without steeple, and at first 
filled with benches. The committee on seating in 
1724 had no Scotch Irish members, nor did they 
grant any places for private pews to these new set- 
tlers. In the fore seat or bench was John Gray; in 
the third seat were Matthew Gray, John Duncan; 
in the fourth seat was William Gray; in the fifth 
seat were James Hamilton, William McNal, Robert 
Peables, J. McClellan, Andrew Farrend, Alexander 
McConkey, John Killough and Robert Lothridge or 


Lortridge; and in the sixth, seat William McClel- 
lan, David Young, J. Bety or Batty, W. Mahan, 
James McClellan and [Thomas] Beard, or Baird, 
all or nearly all of them Scotch Irish/ 

In 1733 there were in the ^^fore seet'^ John Gray 
with five English sitters ; in the second seat William 
G-ray, James Hambleton, Andrew McFarland, John 
Clerk, Robert Peables; in the third seat, Matthew 
Gray, Alexander McConkey, William Caldwell, John 
Duncan, William Gray, Jr., Matthew Gray, Jr., An- 
drew McFarland, Jr., and John Gray, Jr.; in the 
fourth seat Moses Harper, James Thornington or 
Thornton, John Batty, Oliver Wallis, and Robert 
Blair ; in the fifth seat James Furbush, Robert Lort- 
ridge, John Alexander, William Mahan, John Stin- 
son, Duncan Graham, John McFarland, and Joseph 
Clerk; in the sixth seat John Patrick, James Glas- 
ford, John Sterling, and Hugh Kelso. In the fore 
seat in the long gallery were William and James 
McClellan,^ and Robert Barber; in the second seat 
were Patrick Peables, John McConkey, John Pea- 
bles; and in the second seat of the '^frunt galiry'' 
were Samuel Gray, Thomas Hambleton, and Mat- 
thew Clark. In most of the seats were other sitters 
who were probably not of the Scotch Irish stock.^ 

It will be seen that in 1733 there was a consider- 

^ Worcester Society of Antiquity, Vol. 2, p. 28. 

'Perry adds John Cishiel. 

^Worcester Society of Antiquity, Vol. 2, pp. 85-86. 


able Scotch Irish, colony within a church-going ra- 
dius of the Worcester church. 

In 1737 the Irish petition had been voted down. 
The lands now included in the town of Pelham were 
being opened for settlement, and on the 21st of Jan- 
uary, 1738-39, John Stoddard arranged to settle a 
number of families ^ * such as were inhabitants of the 
Kingdom of Ireland or their descendants, being 
Protestants." Their names were:^ James and John 
Alexander; Adam Clark; Ephraim and George 
Cowan, the latter being of Concord; John and 
Thomas Dick; John Ferguson of Grafton; James 
Gilmore of Boston; John Gray, Jr., Samuel, and 
William Gray, Jr.; James Hood; Adam Johnson; 
John Johnson of Shrewsbury; Robert Lotheridge; 
Thomas Lowden of Leicester; Alexander and John 
McConkey; James McAllach; Abraham Patterson 
of Leicester; Patrick and Robert Peibols; John 
Stinson; James Thornton; James Taylor; Samuel 
Thomes; Alexander Turner. The proprietors reg- 
istered in 1739 included also Andrew McFarland, 
James Breakenridge, Robert Barbour, William 
Johnson and Matthew Gray. John Gray, Jr., had 
3-60 of the rights, Robert Peibols 5-60 and James 
Thornton had 14-60. All the others had one or two 
rights. As the place was to be called Lisburn after 
the town in County Antrim a natural inference would 
be that Thornton came from that '^mother town." 

*Parmenter's Pelham, pp. 17, 24. 


He was a man of ability and his son was a signer of 
the Declaration of Indepedence. 

Exact information may be had in regard to a 
few of the Worcester settlers. James McClellan, 
whose early purchase of land has already been men- 
tioned, was a very religious, industrious and thrifty 
man. His will, on file at the Middlesex Probate 
office, was signed September 29, 1729, when he made 
his mark. It was probated October 31st. The will 
was written apparently by Samuel Jenison, who 
with Moses and Jane Harper were witnesses. Mc- 
Clellan mentions *^ Margaret my dearly beloved 
wife''; the son William to have lands at Bogger- 
hoage,^ 104 acres with buildings, and to give his 
mother yearly 100 weight of beef and 100 weight of 
pork; the son James to have 95 acres and one half 
the buildings, the other half to be Margaret's for 
life; James to haul and cut her fire wood, and to 
provide yearly ten bushels of Indian corn, three of 
English corn, two of malt, one barrel of cider, fodder 
for two cows, and a horse in the winter season, and 
also to fit (?) him in order whenever she wants to 
ride. To Margaret he gave the use of the orchard 
for life. To William's children William, Samuel and 
Ann he gave three pounds each, and to James 's 
children James and Eebecca like sums. James he 
made executor. It is an excellent will, clear, simple. 

* "The south part of the town, then known as Bogachoag (now 
Auburn)." — Carl's tour iu Main Street, p. 119, 


and thouglitful througli all its details, worthy of tlie 
"Worcester colony, and of the emigrant's distin- 
guished descendants General Samuel McClellan, 
General George B. McClellan, and the mayor of 
Greater New York. 

The Young family^ have left on their grave stones 
valuable evidence of their Irish home. John and 
David both came from the Londonderry neighbor- 
hood, and this suggests that the Worcester company 
was from the valley of the Foyle; while the New 
Hampshire and Falmouth people were from the 
Bann Valley. John Young was born in the Isle of 
Bert or Burt near Londonderry, and died at Worces- 
ter June 30, 1730, aged 107. David was born in the 
parish of Taughboyne, Donegal, between London- 
derry and Lifford on the west bank of the Foyle, 
and died December 26, 1776, aged 94.^ 

The will of Daniel McFarland, who died in 
Worcester in 1738, states that he had a daughter 
Margaret Campbell living in County Tyrone, Ire- 
land. Daniel may have been a brother of John Mc- 
Farland, mentioned in a paper in the Suffolk County 
Files, number 163,586, which shows that three emi- 
grants of the name, probably those of Boothbay a 

^Professor Perry says that the Youngs were of Celtic origin. 
See his article*, p. 110. 

'Worcester Society of Antiquity, Vol. 1. In the first cemetery 
in Worcester, where about seventeen were buried between 1713 
and 1727, there are no stones. The earliest stone on the Conj- 
jnou bears the date 1727. 


little later, appear to have come from Ardstraw, 
County Tyrone, in 1720. 

The paper reads : 


John MeFarland, Sr. 

John MeFarland, Jr. 

Andrew MeFarland 
in the sum of £ 13. 16. for the payment of £ 6. 18. 
xmto Rev. Mr. Isaac Taylor or order within 30 days 
after arrival at New England for value reed. Dated 
10 August 1720. In presence of Robert Temple, 
Alexander Hamilton." 

Taylor was assistant to the Rev. Mr. Haliday, 
minister at Ardstraw, Ireland. He may, however, 
have been at Brunswick for a few months in 1719 
and 1720.^ 

Matthew Gray who came over as a child in 1718 
and Robert who came as a youth of twenty-one are 
both referred to as *^of the Company of immigrants 
who settled here in 1718." John G-ray had land laid 
out to him by the town's committee November 26, 
1718, and these were his children: Robert (born 
1697, ancestor of Asa Gray the botanist), Samuel, 

^ James, son of Daniel MeFarland of Worcester, was at Bruns- 
wick in 1738. Duncan MeFarland of Rutland was probably a 
son of Duncan who died in Boston in 1696, although perhaps 
closely related to the Worcester family. An Andrew MeFarland 
married at Billerica in 1725. 


William, Matthew (ancestor of Professor Bliss 
Perry), Jolm, Mary (called wife of William Blair 
of Aghadowey, and later wife of Matthew Barbour), 
and Sarah (wife of Robert Barbour, who was born 
at '^Koppra," County Tyrone).^ 

It is evident that those with families were obliged 
to build log cabins and clear spaces for planting ; but 
two families no doubt often lived together under the 
same roof. There were also many young men and 
girls who went from place to place in search of em- 
ployment. Some of these in the course of ten years 
returned to Worcester to buy land. Others married 
and settled elsewhere. The chief Worcester Scotch 
Irish settlers bore the following names, but many 
others were transient dwellers in Worcester and 
will be referred to under Rutland, Pelham and 

Thomas Baird Rev. Edward Fitz Gerald 

Robert Barbour Samuel Fleming 

John Batley [Betty?] James Forbush 

Abraham Blair Mrs. Isabel Gilmore 

Robert Blair John Gray 

William Caldwell James Hamilton 

Robert Crawford James Heart 

John Duncan Hugh Kelso 

William Dunlap (1731) Archibald Lamond (1731) 

^No place name in Ireland begins with Ko. Perhaps Cappagh 
on the northern side of the Mourne, between Newtown Stewart 
find Omagh, is referred to. Clogher was not far away. 
































































Robert Lollard 
Robert Lortridge 
James McClellan 
John McClintock 
Alexander McConkey 
John McConkey 
Daniel McFarland 
William McHan 

John McKachan 
Robert Peables 
David Thomas 
James Thornton 
William Walker 
Matthias Wallds 
David Yonng 
John Young 

Many men bearing these names will be found men- 
tioned in the excellent history of Pelham. Most of 
the Rutland settlers came with the Worcester colony, 
and the names of the chief Scotch Irish families 
there belong almost as certainly with the Worcester 
as with the Rutland list. Some of these Rutland 
settlers brought letters of dismissal from their 
church in Ireland. That of Malkem Hendery was 
from the Rev. Mr. Haliday at Ardstraw in County 
Tyrone, the home of the McFarlands. The Stinsons, 
Hamiltons and Savages were closely allied, and it is 
possible that a large number of the Rutland colony 
came over from Ardstraw together. Of the follow- 
ing those with an asterisk prefixed probably repre- 
sent Ardstraw colonists. 

*Alexander Bothwell 
James Browning 

*John Browning 
James Clark 
John Clark 

*Aaron Crawford 
*John Crawford 
* William Fenton 
Robert Ferf ell 
Robert Forbush 




Duncan Graham 

Patrick Gregory 
*Jolin Hamilton (of 
Brookfield 1726) 

Malkem Hendery 

John Lecore 

William McCarter 

Thomas McClanathan 

John McClanathan 

[Duncan McFarland] 

John Mclntire 
*Eobert McLem 

Daniel McMains 

James McPherson 

*John Moor 
John Murray 

*Eobert Patrick 
Edward Savage 
Matthew Slarrow 
William Sloan 
James Smith 
William Spear 
Eobert Sterling 
John S tins on 
William Watson 

Edward Savage mentioned above was the grand- 
father of the Philadelphia painter and engraver of 
portraits of Washington. 

The chief Palmer settlers, who came largely from 
Worcester, were: 

James Breakenridge 
Andrew Farrand 
Thomas Farrand, Jr. 
Eobert Ferrell 
Joseph Fleming 
John Glasford 
James Lamont 
Thomas McClanathan 
William McClanathan 
John McMaster 

William McMitchel 
Alexander McNitt 
James Moore 
John Moore 
John Patterson 
William Patterson 
John Peables 
Duncan Quinton 
Eobert Eogers 
Samuel Shaw 


Seth Shaw Alexander Tackels 

James Shearer John Thomson 

Eobert Smith Eobert Thomson 
John Spence 

At Palmer and on lands across the Ware Eiver 
in the present town of Ware the population grew 
rapidly. Sons and daughters from Worcester and 
Eutland did the first rough work of the pioneer. To 
their numbers were added those of the later immi- 
grants who withstood the allurements of a warmer 
climate. There was Alexander McNitt from Oounty 
Donegal whose son Barnard served as clerk and 
treasurer of the Proprietors of Common Lands. 
Several miles east of Palmer William Sinclair, born 
in the parish of Drumbo, County Down, in 1676, 
lived at this period in -Leicester and Spencer.^ His 
daughter Agnes became the wife of the chief man in 
this Scotch Irish neighborhood, William Breaken- 
ridge, the first representative to the Provincial Con- 
gress, and town clerk of Ware for eighteen years. 
He came to America from Ireland in 1727 when four 
years of age, with his father, James, a native of 
Scotland. Mr. Hyde in his address at Ware, says : 
*' There is in the Brakenridge family an ancient 
manuscript music-book upon the fly-leaf of which is 
written, *Mr. Jacobus Breakenridge, His Music 
Book, made and taught per me, Eobt. Cairnes, at 

* History of Spencer, 1841, pp. 114, 132; 1860, 204, 255. 


GlenreavoU/ Sept. 1715.' Besides the scale and 
rudiments of music, it contains the date of his mar- 
riage, 1720, and the births of his children, giving the 
day, the hour and the time in the moon, with other 
memoranda. On one page is written, ^We departed 
from Ireland, July 16, 1727, and my child died on 
the 19th of Aug. ' '' 

The newer towns drew from almost every county 
in Ulster. 

The evidence relating to the origin of the Worces- 
ter-Rutland colony, however, seems to point to the 
valley of the Foyle as the home of its pioneer mem- 
bers. If McClellan had not come in the ship from 
Londonderry, John Wilson, master, which arrived 
July 28th he would have come on August 4th. In 
those days the space of time between August 4th 
and the 9th, Monday to Saturday, would have been 
short for the labors of bringing his family goods 
ashore, journeying out to Worcester, selecting a 
farm and looking it over, waiting for a deed to be 
drawn, and attaching his signature. All this could 
have been done in six days, but a careful, provident 
man would have felt hurried in so important a task 
in a strange land. If, however, McClellan arrived on 
the ship from Londonderry he had from July 28th 
to August 9th to reach Worcester and buy his farm. 
With him in Worcester were settlers from three 
counties, Londonderry, Donegal and Tyrone, but 

* Perhaps Glenravil, barony of Antrim, County Antrim. 


most of them came from Coimty Tyrone. The Foyle, 
made broad by the union of two streams, flows by 
Lifford on the Donegal side, and Strabane on the 
Tyrone side, northward between the counties nntil 
it approaches the city of Londonderry. There the 
county of Londonderry seems to throw itself across 
the Foyle to encompass the city. These twenty miles 
of the Foyle from Strabane to the city drain a terri- 
tory which has been a nursery of strong men ''who 
fought naked for King William, our liberties, our 
religion, and all that was dear to us.'' 

These men from the valley of the Foyle proved 
themselves sturdy of body and brain. They were, 
however, if we may judge from minor evidences, 
less prosperous and possibly less well educated at 
the time of arrival than those of the Bann compa- 
nies. In this opinion I am supported by Professor 
Perry, who writes: "I entertain the opinion, gath- 
ered from scattered and uncertain data, that it was 
the poorer, the more illiterate, the more helpless, 
part of the five ship-loads who were conducted to 
Worcester.''^ Under these circumstances their suc- 
cess in the New World was remarkable. 

^ Page 110 of his article. 



We have seen that many Scotch Irish immigrants 
passed the winter of 1718-19 in Boston, much to the 
discomfort of the town officers and citizens there. 
These immigrants were possibly from the territory 
around Belfast, comprising southern Antrim and 
the northern part of the County of Down. They 
must have treasured some memories of the sailing 
of the Eagle Wing nearly a century before, for many 
of their towns had sent out inhabitants on that fated 

The Worcester company left Boston early in Au- 
gust, 1718. Other families and groups of immigrants 
struck out for themselves. James Smith, who had 
come from Ballykelly, a town between the Foyle and 
the Bann, near Newton Limavady, wandered about 
for a few months and settled down in Needham, 
where his third son Matthew was born in April, 
1720. The Rev. Jonathan Towns end, writing there 
in February, 1723-4, states that a year earlier he 
had had to plead with his people not to ill-treat the 
new settlers,^ from which we may infer that the 

Information from George K. Clarke, Esq. 


Smiths Boon must have had Scotch Irish neighbors. 
The church reference to Mr. Smith is an interesting 
record : 

**Jan: 9, 1726. — James Smith & Mary his Wife 
admitted into the Church, came from Ireland A. D. 
1718, & Brought a Testimonial with them from M^ 
John Stirling Minister of the Congregation of Belly- 
kelly in the County of Londonderry." 

The leaders of the Bann Valley settlers, finding 
that their agent, the Eev. William Boyd, had ob- 
tained no definite grant of land, determined to spend 
the winter in or near Boston until affairs were more 
to their satisfaction. Boyd, as we have seen, re- 
mained in Boston, but the Eev. Mr. McGregor's 
means were not sufficient to allow him to pass the 
winter in idleness, and he appealed to the Eev. Cot- 
ton Mather for influence in obtaining a position as 
teacher or minister. Mather in his diary under 
October 3d writes: ^^ Encourage y® people of Dray- 
cot unto ye Inviting of a worthy Scotch minister 
lately arrived here, to settle among y"". ' ' 

Mather's letter, written on the previous day, is 
printed below from the somewhat illegible rough 
draft at the American Antiquarian Society's library 
in Worcester: 

2<i VHP 1718 
Dear Brethren 

Being informed that you are desirous to hear from 
us, the character of o' Friend and Brother Mr Mc 


Gregore, we do, with great Alacrity and satisfaction 
give you to understant that we look upon him, as a 
person of a very excellent character : and conside:^- 
ably qualified for the work of ye ministry as well for 
his ministerial abilities as his Christian [?] piety: 
[serious gravity and as far as we have heard every 
way unexceptionable Behaviour.]^ And we have 
also had it credibly Reported unto us, that from a 
singular goodness in his Temper, he was usually 
called The peace-maker, in ^je countrey from whence 
he came. On these Accounts we cannot but hope that 
if you should obtain him, to become your pastor, you 
will enjoy in him a very precious gift of your as- 
cended Saviour, To whose Blessing you are now 
commended by Your hearty Friend 

[Cotton Mather]. 

* In writing of Mr. McGregor it must be evidojit 
that Cotton Mather expressed himself after two 
months of intercourse with the Scotch minister. We 
may assume also from McGregor's marriage to a 
sister of the wives of James McKeen and Captain 
James Gregg that he must himself have been a man 
of ability, for they were leaders among men wher- 
ever they chanced to be. 

The village of Dracut had built a little meeting 
house three years earlier on the river road, now 
Yarnum Avenue. It was thirty feet long and twenty 

* Mather wrote this clause as a marginal insertion. 


feet wide, and to this house of worship after listen- 
ing to some fifteen candidates the people decided 
to summon Mr. McGregor, ' * the peace-maker. ' ' The 
town evidently hoped that he would, if acceptable, 
settle down after the admirable custom of the time 
to be the father of his flock through life. The record 
of the town (there are no church records until 1788) 
reads : 

^^Dracutt, Oct. ye 15, 1718. 

* * Mad choice of Mr. Mackgreggor to settel in Dra- 
cutt to prech the Gospel and to do the Whole Work of 
a Settled minister ; and likewise Voted to give to Mr 
Macgreger Sixty five pounds a year for his salary 
for the first four years, and then Seaventy pound 
a year till there Be fifty families in the town of Dra- 
cutt, and then it Shall Be eighty pounds a yeare; 
and likewise voted for a settlement sixty pounds the 
one half the Next June ins eying, and the other half 
the next June, in the year 1720 ' '^ 

The Rev. James McGregor spent the winter of 
1718-19 in Dracut on the banks of Beaver Brook, a 
little north of the present city of Lowell, and south 
of the future Nutfield ; but there is no evidence that 
the Scotch Irish people followed him to Dracut. In 
addition to his work as the village pastor he taught 
the school. 

Parker in his History of Londonderry refers to a 
winter settlement of Scotch Irish at Andover, a 

* I consulted also papers lent by Silas R. Coburn, Esq., of Dracut. 


village five or ten miles east of Dracut. ''On tak- 
ing their departure," he writes, ''from one of the 
families with whom they had resided, they left a few 
potatoes for seed. The potatoes were accordingly 
planted; came np and flourished well; blossomed 
and produced balls, which the family supposed were 
the fruit to be eaten. They cooked the balls in vari- 
ous ways, but could not make them palatable, and 
pronounced them unfit for food. The next spring, 
while ploughing their garden the plough passed 
through where the potatoes had grown, and turned 
out some of great size, by which means they discov- 
ered their mistake.'' 

This incident is said to have occurred on the farm 
of Nathaniel Walker, father of the Eev. Timothy 
Walker, first minister of Concord. The farm was 
near the boundary line between North Andover and 
Bradford, and several families probably spent the 
winter of 1718-19 there, the single men and girls 
finding shelter and employment in^the neighboring 
villages.^ The Andover taxpayers were assessed 
forty shillings in 1719 to provide funds to aid the 
poor, and part of the money thus collected was no 
doubt spent for provisions for the Scotch Irish. Ob- 
viously the settlers of a single winter left few rec- 
ords of their stay; but Miss C. H. Abbott, the inde- 
fatigable investigator, has found traces of them. 

* Miss Abbott writes : "The Walker garden may have been on the 
Andover linef but I am quite as sure he worshipped and paid 
taxes mainly in Bradford town." 


Thomas Grow, probably tbe same man who signed 
the petition to Governor Shute in 1718, was one of 
those who remained in Andover after his colnpan- 
ions had moved to Nntfield. An order was issued 
the next winter for his relief, and at about the same 
time, with man's improvidence, he was married. 
His wife, Eebecca Holt came of a well known local 

Two other men from Ireland are mentioned upon 
the records at an early date, Robert Stuart and Wil- 
liam Bolton, who were recorded January 30, 1718-19, 
as, living in the town. They had come up from Bos- 
ton the preceding summer or autumn, Stuart bring- 
ing a family with him. Very unreliable tradition^ 
states that Robert Stuart of Edinburgh (1655-1719) 
was the father of Robert of Andover and of John 
(1682-1741), the proprietor of Londonderry, New 
Hampshire. Samuel Stuart of Andover, called a 
third son of the first Robert, was executor of the will 
of John in 1741. A Walter Stewart or Stuart of 
Londonderry married in 1722 Giziell Crumey of 
Boxford, and a little later John Stuart of London- 
derry owned land in Boxford. These men may have 
been kinsmen, but there were so many early immi- 
grants by the name of Stuart, some on Cape Cod, 

* Their children mentioned upon the records were Ruth, bom 
in 1720, and Hannah, born in 1723. In 1721 the town records 
refer to "Elizabeth Nichols' child that is called John Grow," for 
whom provision was to be made. 

' See, however, the "Duncan-Stuart family," p. 140. 



others in Connecticut, in Charlestown, Lunenburg 
and elsewhere that only the family historian could 
trace their relationship. 

William Bolton, called ^^ Scotch" by his descend- 
ants, came from the vicinity of Coleraine. He mar- 
ried at Andover in 1719-20, and died soon after in 
the adjoining town of Reading, leaving two sons 
William and John. 

Of these immigrants Miss Abbott says: ^^I find 
many were tenants on farms held partly by dower 
widows and worked on shares.'' Land was difificult 
of purchase in an old town like Andover, and most 
of the Scotch Irish were transients only. On the 
Andover town records are the names of : 

John Cofferin or Cochran 

John Telford .... 

John Cromme or Crombie 

Hugh Riddle 

William Crumney 

Thomas Richardson, *^ Irishman,' 
his son John baptized 

Joseph Waugh and wife Margaret 
before . . . 

Alexander Macartney, *^ Irish- 
man," and Margaret his wife 

James, John and Samuel Seaton 





Other members of the Scotch Irish migration may 


have tarried at Haverhill, Bradford and Dracut, but 
the record of them is meagre. 

"While the Andover colonists were spending the 
winter in moderate comfort, the ^^ Irish" at Casco 
Bay suffered great hardship. Parker writes : ^ * The 
party that left Boston for Casco Bay, arrived there 
late in the season ; and it proving to be a very early 
and cold winter, the vessel was frozen in. Many of 
the families, not being able to find accommodations 
on shore, were obliged to pass the whole winter on 
board the ship, suffering severely from the want of 
food, as well as of convenience of situation. ' ' 

The village of Falmouth on the site of the present 
city of Portland, Maine, had suffered from Indian 
raids, from intense cold in winter, and from the pov- 
erty of its fishing population. In the Acts and re- 
solves of the province of the Massachusetts Bay it is 
recorded July 16, 1718, that a committee of five was 
appointed to view Falmouth, give advice as to laying 
out of streets, placing the meeting house, and organ- 
ization. The appointment of this committee prob- 
ably drew the attention of Governor Shute to the 
lands about Casco Bay between Cape Elizabeth and 
the mouth of the Kennebec, roughly the land between 
Portland and Bath. He, it is said, spoke to Mc- 
Gregor and McKeen, and the latter with the Eev. Mr. 
McGregor's congregation, relatives, and friends, de- 
termined to go at once in the ship in which they had 
crossed the ocean, to explore the coast of the bay. 



Meanwhile the Committee recommended that the 
inhabitants already there be given powers of self- 
government since there was ^^a Fair Prospect of its 
* being in a little time a flourishing town. ' ' On No- 

nCa/>e 'Eh'x.ahet/i 

vember 12th the Legislature approved the sugges- 
tion on condition that fifty families more be admit- 
ted as soon as possible and settled in a compact and 
defensible manner. On the 19th the Legislature ap- 
proved a project for a town to be laid out near Fal- 
mouth for the Scotch Irish, evidently having no 


thought that the Scotch Irish emigrants would settle 
in Falmouth. 

Those who sailed into Casco Bay in the ^'Eoberf 
went ashore probably between Falmouth Village and 
the Point on Cape Elizabeth, where they began about 
the month of November to build rough shelters for 
the winter/ It seems difficult to believe that the fam- 
ilies which were on the ship could not provide rough 
huts before winter set in. Evidently the autumn 
was extremely cold and the vessel, if tradition is to 
be believed, was caught in the ice, so that those who 
did not immediately get their huts well under way 
were forced by the bitter weather to settle down on 
the ^^Eobert" for the winter. John Armstrong and 
others at once sent a petition to the government at 

This John Armstrong is no doubt the indigent 
voyager on the ^^Kobert"; in the wild life on Cape 
Elizabeth his ability brought him forward. The 
official reference to the pietition reads : '^A Petition 
of John Armstrong & divers others, Setting forth 
that there are about thirty Families arrived from 
the North of Ireland, at Falmouth, in Casco Bay, 
that they are building Cottages to shelter themselves 
from the weather, that their good Success in these 
Parts will encourage many of their Brethren to 
transport themselves & Families into this countrey ; 

* Southack's "Actual survey of the sea coast" has houses and 
trees at "Porpolac Pt." 


And therefore Praying that they may have Portions 
of Land allotted to them near Falmouth; & seeing 
they are scarce of Provisions, that they may have 
some thing to subsist them this Winter."^ There 
are several petitions of this period, and in reply the 
Council stated that Armstrong's petition could not 
be granted as Falmouth was *^ anciently inhabited,'' 
and the lands were already owned. 

Meanwhile the development of Falmouth lan- 
guished. Samuel Moody and John Smith wrote to 
the government that notwithstanding the favorable 
report of the Committee, and the powers given to 
Falmouth, yet claimers and proprietors of lands 
could not agree upon their bounds. The petitioners 
asked that a constable and other officers be ap- 
pointed to regulate affairs and provide for the sup- 
port of a minister. They stated that the population 
was about three hxmdred,^ most of them from Ire- 
land, and one half so poor that they had neither pro- 
vision nor money for them. They conclude by ask- 
ing ^'that this Hon^^^ Court would be pleased to con- 
sider the deplorable Circumstances of the said Place 
by reason of the great Number of poor Strangers 
arrived amongst them and take some speedy & Ef- 
fectual Care for their supply." 

This petition was ordered to be referred to the 

^ Legislative Records of the Council, Vol. 10, pp. 309, 313, 314, 
318, 321. 

' The "Robert's" passengers were not the only Scotch Irish on 
Cape Elizabeth. 


session in May, and one hundred bushels of Indian 
meal were to be forwarded to the Irish people/ 

The Rev. William Cornwall had gone with the 
*^ Robert" in place of the Rev. Mr. McGregor, Mr. 
Cornwall was from Clogher, in County Tyrone, a 
day's journey south of Londonderry. He was not 
well, and on account of the distance of his dwelling 
house in Clogher from the church, and the arrears of 
his salary, he resigned his pastorate and joined the 
McGregor colony. One winter at Casco Bay seems to 
have chilled his ardor for pioneering and he returned 
to become minister at Taughboyne in 1722. The pri- 
vations which threatened the '* Robert's" company 
at Porpooduc, as the Cape Elizabeth land was called, 
brought from Mr. Cornwall a letter of distress. Cot- 
ton Mather, January 8, 1718-19, wrote in his Diary : 
*^Some Letters unto ye Scotch ministers arrived in 
o[u]r East Countrey, may have a Tendency to 
hearten them in that work of God, which they have 
to do, in those New Plantations ; and more particu- 
larly for ye Christianizing of the Indians there. "^ 
The following draft of a letter by Mather gives an 
intimation of his labors in behalf of the struggling 
colony ^*at Porpooduc, Casco Bay, Falmouth town- 
ship. ' ' He writes : 

** Whereas, the New Settlement at Casco-hay, is 
as yett in its feeble infancy. But Yett there is usual 

* Passed December 3, 1718. 

* I am indebted to Mr. Julius H. Tuttle for these references to 
Mather's Diary. 


(besides y® Families that have began as inhabitants) 
on y® Lords-day a Considerable Eesort of people that 
are from divers places on their Fishing voyages: 
which renders y^ Condition of these places a little pe- 
culiar, and Considerably calls for our care that the 
Lords-days may not pass without public Exercise of 
Eeligion there: Whereas also there is now a very 
worthy, pious & Peaceful Minister whose name is 
Mr. Cornwal much desired and invited by the people 
there: who are willing to do something toward the 
subsistence of him ; which something is much too lit- 
tle in any tolerable measure to insure y® Instruction. 

*' 'Tis humbly moved That y® General Assembly 
would express y^ goodness usual w*^ ye governmen* 
on such occasions and allow for one year from ye 
public Treasury some agreeable accession to what 
y® people there can do, towards ye support of such 
a minister."^ 

With the approach of warmer weather in the 
spring of 1719 most of the McGregor colony looked 
about for a more promising place. Those who re- 
mained at Falmouth led a miserable existence. The 
Eev. Thomas Smith, ^^ pastor of the first church of 
Christ in Falmouth,'' came to his desolate field of 
labor in 1720. There were less than sixty families, 
very poor because they were so often forced through 
fear of the Indians to abandon their farms and live 
in garrison houses, and some of them, says Smith, 

^American Antiquarian Society, Mather Papers. 


*' soldiers that had found wives on the place, and 
were mean animals." Bnt the fighting in 1722 did 
away with the worst of them.^ 

In 1735 there were only twenty families at Por- 
poodnc, and the Presbyterians there, at Falmouth, 
and at the settlement in Brunswick, to be noticed 
later, were ministered to by the Eev. James Wood- 
side for several years. He was followed by the Eev. 
William McClenathan, who removed to Blandf ord in 
Massachusetts in 1744. During the next score of 
years only the aged gathered to hear a passing 
Presbyterian minister, to renew their faith and their 
memories of old Ireland.^ 

History and tradition have left some record of 
those who remained in Falmouth after the winter 
sojourners had gone on to Nutfield. John Arm- 
strong, signer of the petition, with Eobert Means, 
who had married his daughter, were certainly there, 
and Means settled at Stroudwater, a village near 
Falmouth. The descendants of Means became very 
prominent later in Massachusetts. Armstrong is 
said to have had brothers Simeon, James and 
Thomas, who had grants in or near Falmouth be- 
fore 1721.^ 

* Smith's Journal, p. 15. 

"A. Blaikie's Presbyterianism, p. 88. 

'Armstrong had an infant son, James, and a son Thomas, born 
in Falmouth in 1719. His brother, James, had Thomas, born in 
Ireland in 1717, as well as John, born in 1720, and James, in 1721, 
both in Falmouth. 


Jolm Barbour^ came with liis family, a son John 
having come to York, it is said, as early as 1717. 

Randal McDonald is also mentioned as of the com- 
pany which spent the winter of 1718-19 in Falmonth, 
and with him William Jameson. A man named Sie- 
mens is said to have settled at Stroudwater with 

This list is no donbt wholly inadequate, but the 
establishment of settlers a few miles away at Bruns- 
wick in 1718, supposed to be the passengers by the 
* ' Maccallum, ' ^ and additions in great numbers there 
in 1719 under Captain Robert Temple, make it ex- 
tremely difficult to name those who spent the winter 
of 1718-19 in or near Falmouth, and remained long 
enough to find a place on the records. 

Trouble wth the Indians drove many farmers out 
of the country during the next five years, and from 
the lists of persons reaching Boston a few names 
of early dwellers in Casco Bay can be added. These 
names were incorporated into the Boston Select- 
men's records. 

Recorded at a meeting of the selectmen, April 27, 
1719 :— 

Anne Hanson who came from Casco into this 
Town ab* a week before was on ye 23^'' of march, 
1718 [-19] warned to depart. 

^ Smith and Deane's Journal, pp. 57, 60, 92, 165 ; Willis's Port- 
land, pp. 326, 788; McLellan's Gorham, p. 395. See also an article 
by Mrs. Alice F, Moody in The Boston Transcript, June 5, 1907. 





• rH 
















• r-( 
















p— * 











f w 








Eobert Holmes & wife, William Holmes & 
child who came from Casco into this Town ab* 
12 dayes before was on the 15*^ of Aprill cur' 
warned to depart. 

Recorded July 25, 1719 :— 

Joan Maccoullah widd° came from Casco bay 
who had been then here ab* 5 dayes was on the 
5'^ of June, warned to depart. 

Recorded October 28, 1720 :— 

Noah Peck from Casco 2 moneths warned 26*^ 
of August. 

Recorded July 28, 1722 :— 

Thomas Longworth, Lame, from Casco 
[warned] June 3. 

Longworth was a settler long before 1718. The 
same may perhaps be said of Peck. 

The Scotch Irish settlers at Casco Bay between 
1718 and 1722, that is, at Falmouth and along the 
shore of Cape Elizabeth, were more numerous than 
these records show, but some of the earliest were : 

James Armstrong. 
John Armstrong. 
Simeon Armstrong. 
Thomas Armstrong. 
? John Barbour. 
Thomas Bolton. 
Rev. William Cornwall. 


Josliiia Gray/ 

Anne Hanson. 

Eobert Holmes and wife. 

William Holmes and child. 

William Jameson.^ 

Joan Maccoullah. 

Eandal McDonald. 

Bryce McLellan. 

Eobert Means. 

Andrew Simonton. 

William Simonton. 

William Slemons or Slemmons. 

Bryce McLellan, who appears in the above list, 
built a house in Falmouth in 1731. Through the 
vicissitudes of fortune this house survived fire and 
storm, Mowat^s attack in 1775, and the ruthless 
hand of progress, standing on York Street after 
every other house of its period had disappeared 
from the present city of Portland. 

Among the later Scotch Irish settlers at Falmouth 
was John Motley, from Belfast in Ireland, who mar- 
ried in 1738 Mary Eoberts. A son settled in Boston, 
where he became prominent; his descendant, John 
Lothrop Motley, was the historian of the Nether- 

^ So says Professor A. L. Perry. Proceedings Scotch Irish So- 
ciety, 2d Congress, p. 135. He also includes William Gyles. 

'This was probably the William Jameson who died at Rutland 
in 1760, leaving a sister, Martha Reed, of County Antrim, Ireland. 



In a previous chapter the voyage of the ship 
**MaccaUiiin" was described, and it was made evi- 
dent that her passengers from Londonderry settled 
on lands at the Eastward. These lands skirted a 
large body of water, known as Merrymeeting Bay, 
which is formed by the Androscoggin River enter- 
ing the Kennebec. Southack^s map, covering this 
region, bears the inscription, '^An actual survey of 
the sea coast from New York to the I. Cape Briton 

. by Capt. Cyprian Southack. Printed and 
sold by Wm. Herbert, London Bridge & Rob* Sayer 

. Fleet Street.'' On the land between 
Brunswick and Maquoit Bay there is an inscription 
which states that in the years 1718, 1719 and 1720 
five hundred emigrants from Ireland had come to 
settle ; the inscription reads : 

^'Kennebeck River very Long 
strong Tydes with all its branches 
Trade mostly is as yet Lumber 
Fish small matter came from 
the Kingdom of Ireland with 
in three Year : 1720 five Hun- 



dred Inhabitants and made 
new Settlements for Farm- 
ing and Lumber." 

In the English Pilot, Part IV, London, 1737, the 
map described as ^'The Harbour of Casco Bay, By- 
Cyprian Southicke,'' indicates a church and several 
houses between Maquoit Bay and the Androscog- 




^9 • V 

Part of South ack's Map 

gin River.^ The words ^^ Irish new settlement'' 
show the character of the inhabitants. 

By the depositions of David Dunning, Jane 
McFadden, and her son Andrew, and John McPhe- 
tre, we learn that some of the people who settled 
here in 1718 *^ removed from Ireland to Boston, from 
Boston down to Kennebec River and up Merry- 
meeting Bay to a place called Cathance.'' 

* I am indebted to Mr. John W. Farwell, Mr. Frederick L. Gay, 
and Mr. John H. Edmonds for much information relating to early 
New England maps. 


A summary of these depositions follows : 

David Dunning, gentleman, of Brunswick, deposed 
October 8, 1767, that on or about the year 1718 he 
came first to Boston, and in the same vessel with 
Andrew McFadden and his wife (now widow). 
Soon after they came down together in the same ves- 
sel to the eastern country, and lived in Brunswick 
ever since 1718. 

Jane McFadden of Georgetown, aged about 
eighty-two, deposed June 19, 1766, that she with 
her late husband, Andrew McFadden, lived in the 
town of Garvd [Garvagh], County Derry, on tte 
Bann "Water, Ireland, at a place called Summersett. 
About forty-six years ago they removed from Ire- 
land to Boston, from Boston down to the Kennebec 
Eiver and up Merrymeeting Bay to a place called 
Cathance Point/ 

Andrew McFadden of Georgetown, aged fifty- 
three, deposed June 22, 1768, that he was a son of the 
above Andrew and Jane. Daniel McFadden of 
Georgetown, aged forty-six, made a similar deposi- 
tion. Other testimony shows that Andrew and Jane 
had a daughter between Andrew and Daniel, born 
on the Kennebec River. They christened her Sum- 

^ See Appendix III. 

' John Moore, living in Philadelphia in 1712, had a child of the 
same name, 


Jolin McPhetre of Georgetown, aged above sixty, 
deposed June 22, 1768, tliat lie knew Summersett 
place on the Bann Water, for he lived within about 
five miles of it/ 

Colonel David Dunning was the son of Andrew 
Dunning, who was born in 1664, and came with his 
wife, Susan Bond, to the lower Kennebec, known 
then as Georgetown in Maine. After a year Andrew 
settled at Maquoit in Brunswick. He was a black- 
smith, and died January 16, 1736, aged 72 years. His 
children were James, Andrew, Eobert, .William and 
David. He and Andrew McFadden evidently were 
able, thrifty settlers, not unlike those led by 
McGregor, and they also were from the Bann Val- 

But these were not the only early settlers on the 
Kennebec. Captain Eobert Temple came over to 
Boston with his family and servants in the autumn 
of 1717 to settle as a gentleman farmer. He visited 
Connecticut and also the lands of the Pejepscot 
Company about the Androscoggin Eiver in Maine. 
He much preferred, however, the lands on the east 
side of the Kennebec, opposite the mouth of the An- 
droscoggin. Upon his return to Boston he was 
taken into the enterprise, and agreed to undertake, 
the transportation of settlers from Ireland. Tem- 

^ Depositions given in the New England Historical and Genealog- 
ical Register, Vol. 39, p. 184; taken from the Cumberland County 
Court files by W. M. Sargent of Portlan4, 


pie engaged two large ships in 1718, and three more 
ships were chartered the next year. The Scotch 
Irish whom he brought over settled on the east bank 
of the Kennebec, between the present towns of Dres- 
den and Woolwich. The land was called Cork. The 
names of some of his people were : William Mont- 
gomery, Caldwell, James Steel, David Steel, 

McNut, James Rankin, William and James 

Burns or Barns.^ A few of the Temple colonists set- 
tled in Topsham, opposite Brunswick, and several in 
Cathance, now part of Bowdoinham, on the Kenne- 
bec, south of Dresden.^ Others, the larger part of 
the several hundred who came under Temple, went' 
to New Hampshire and Pennsylvania to avoid the 
wrath of Father Rasle and his Indians. Cork was 
destroyed soon after. 

The ships must have brought immigrants rapidly, 
for Southack's map, published in London in 1720, 
states that already ^ve hundred had arrived, or 
about one hundred families. The News-Letter for 
August 17-24, 1719, prints an item from Piscataqua 
dated August 21st, to the effect that Philip Bass had 
arrived at the Kennebec River from Londonderry 
with about two hundred passengers. Many of these 
must have been friends of those who came in the 

^ See an interesting paper on "The Transient Town of Cork," in 
Maine Historical Society Collections, 2d Series, Vol. 4, p. 240. 

'The Rev. E. S. Stackpole has given me valuable aid on this 


* * Maccallum. ' ' "We unfortunately have no record of 
the arrival of ships in 1718 and 1719 at the mouth of 
the Kennebec. But not all the settlers there sailed 
directly from Ireland ; many came through the for- 
ests or by sea from Falmouth, York, and Boston. 
Perhaps the Spear and Harper families of Bruns- 
wick had associations farther south, since David 
Spear (from Coleraine) and James Harper, both of 
the Connecticut Valley, were early settled in and 
near Windsor. 

The Rev. James Woodside had been preaching at 
Garvagh, in the Bann Valley, since 1700. Wheeler, 
in his history of Brunswick,^ calls him a clergyman 
of the Church of England ; but there is more signifi- 
cance in the fact that we find him mentioned in Xil- 
len's Congregations of the Presbyterian Church in 
Ireland, as a Presbyterian minister at Garvagh. 
Wind and tide drove him into Massachusetts Bay, 
and he went with his flock to Casco Bay and on to 
Brunswick, where they arrived in September, 1718. 
Possibly his sympathies were with the English rit- 
ual ; this might have made him unwelcome to some of 
his Brunswick congregation and so given color to 
the tradition that he was an Episcopalian. 

The first reference to religion at Brunswick ap- 

^ Mr. Wheeler in his History and also in an entertaining sketch 
of Brunswick at the time of its incorporation (Pejepscot His- 
torical Society Collections) is not always to be followed in 
statements as to ancestry and year of immigratign, 


pears to be a petition to the General Court from 
three Indians at Fort George, in October, 1717 ; and 
in response to their desire the Rev. Joseph Baxter 
was sent north from Medford to preach. In the 
summer of 1718 Mr. Woodside, with from twenty- 
five to forty families, reached Casco Bay from the 
Irish Londonderry, or from ^'Derry Lough." The 
company went from Falmouth over land or by water 
to Merrymeeting Bay, as described in the deposition 
of Jane McFadden. Woodside appears to have set- 
tled down, temporarily at least, with his family at 
Falmouth. It is probable that the McGregor colony, 
with the Rev. Mr. Cornwall, had not yet arrived at 
Casco Bay, for they are known to have reached there 
in cold weather. Furthermore, Mr. Cornwall dined 
in Boston with Judge Sewall as late as October 16, 
1718, and as he probably sailed with the rest of his 
party, the departure was no doubt as late as the end 
of October. 

The settlers at Brunswick, having been without 
Mr. Baxter's ministrations for six months, voted in 
town meeting November 3, 1718, to call Mr. Wood- 
side from Falmouth. The vote touches upon several 
details of interest, and it is given here: **Att a 
Leagual Town meeting in Brunswick Novm^^"" 3^ 
1718, It was Voted That whereas the Proprietors of 
S"* Township in their paternal Care for our Spiritual 
Good, have by there Joynt Letter Sought to y^ Rev- 
erend M^ James Woodside to be our Minister & irj. 


order there to proposed Conditions for his Settle- 
ment on their part, "Wee the Inhahitance of Bruns- 
wick will Give Fonrty pounds pr annum toward y® 
support of y® s^ Mr. Woodside & a Sum in propor- 
tion there to from this time untill May next (if he 
Come to us) & God in his providence Should Then 
part us. 

'*It was also at this meeting Voted That M'" Bax- 
ters house on y® 6'^ Lott in Brunswick Be forthwith 
made hahitahle for y^ s* Mr. Woodside. That y^ 
Charges there of y® Transporting him & his f amoly 
from Falmouth to Brunswick be paid Equally by us 
y^ inhahitance of s"^ Brunswick & y* Capt Gyles is 
here by impowered to se y^ Buisness effected. 

Joseph Heath Town C^*"''^ 

In January, 1719, Cotton Mather wrote letters to 
the Scotch ministers at the Eastward to give them 
courage. Mr. Woodside certainly needed this en- 
couragement, for matters went ill with him there. 
In May the town voted to continue Mr. Woodside 's 
services for six months, ^^ provided those of us who 
are Dissatisfied with his Conversation (as afore 
Said) Can by Treating with him as becomes Chris- 
tians receive Such Sattisfaction from him as that 
they will heare him preach for y® Time afore s^" 
Mr. Wheeler takes '^Conversation'' to mean charac- 
ter. Possibly deportment or habits would come a 

^Wheeler's B^u^5wick, p. 354. 


little nearer, although in another place Wheeler says 
the trouble was that he was not puritanical enough. 
Mather, in 1716, writing to a friend in Scotland, 
spoke of the transplanted clergy as too often ' ^ of a 
disdainful carriage," and of an ^^ expression full of 
a levity not usual among o'" ministers." The town 
voted September 10, 1719, to pay Mr. Woodside to 
that date and to dismiss him. In 1721 the Eev. Isaac 
Taylor, an assistant to the Rev. Samuel Haliday at 
Ardstraw, County Tyrone, came over. He could not 
have remained long, for in 1729 he was at Ardstraw, 
and had conformed to the Church of England. In 
1722 he lent money to the McFarlands, probably 
those who were later of Boothbay, to pay their pas- 
sage across the Atlantic. 

The Rev. James Woodside returned to Boston, 
and on January 25, 1720, Mather writes that ^'poor 
Mr. Woodside J after many and grievous calamities 
in this uneasy country, is this week taking ship for 
London." He obtained credentials from the Rev. 
Cotton Mather, and a note of recommendation from 
the governor. Mather 's letter reads : 

'^Boston, New England 
^^Jan 14, 1720 

*' Concerning the Reverend Mr. James Woodside 
the Bearer hereof, we have been informed That ar- 
riving with other good people to the Eastern parts 
of New England from the Northern parts of Ireland 


with ample recommendatioii [?] from the presber- 
tery of Route^ in the year 1718 he had invitations 
to settle at several places, but chose a settlement at a 
New Town called Brunswick: Declaring that he had 
in his view the instruction of the Eastern Salvages 
(which he Chonld have near unto him) in the primi- 
tive and Reformed Christianity. In the progres- 
sion [of] that Excellent service we have been in- 

Woodside's son, Captain William, remained in 
Brunswick, where he became prominent. Captain 
Woodside had the ready wit and resource of his 
people. He once agreed to outrun a very fleet In- 
dian if the savage would when defeated give him a 
fur robe. The Indian was delighted with the plan, 
since Woodside 's corpulent ^figure was known far 
and wide to be slow of movement. A great crowd 
gathered at the appointed time and place, and the 
trial began. The captain ran so awkwardly and 
perspired so freely that the entire company, includ- 
ing his rival, broke into continual roars of laughter. 
The Indian remained near the captain to enjoy the 
fun, and so far forgot his part in the sport that the 
captain, with a final burst of speed, came home a 
winner before anyone recalled the fact that he was 
a competitor. 

In 1723 the Rev. Mr. Woodside sent a very inter- 

^ "Above these [i. e. The Glinnes] as far as the river Bann, 
the country is called Rowte."— Capiden's Britannia, 1722, p. 1406, 


esting petition to the king in council, wMch tells of 
the family misfortunes :^ 

^^To the Kings most Excellent Majesty in Council 
The humble Memorial & Petition of James 
Woodside late Minister of the Gospel, at 
Brunswick, in New England. 

' ' Sheweth 

* * That he with 40 Familys, consisting of above 160 
Persons did in the Year 1718 embarque on a ship at 
Derry Lough in Ireland in Order to erect a Colony 
at Casco Bay, in Your Majesty s Province of Main 
in New England. 

*^That being arrived they made a settlement at a 
Place called by the Indians Pegipscot, but by them 
Brunswick, within 4 miles from Fort George, where 
(after he had laid out a considerable sum upon a 
Garrison House, fortify 'd with Palisadoes, & two 
large Bastions, had also made great Improvements, 
& laid out considerably for the Benefit of that Infant 
Colony) the Inhabitants were surprized by the In- 
dians who in the Month of July 1722 came down in 
great Numbers to murder Your Majesty's good Sub- 
jects there. 

'^That upon this Surprize the Inhabitants, naked 
& destitute of Provisions run for shelter into your 
Pet." House (which is still defended by his sons) 

*From Maine Historical Society Collections. Baxter Mss., 
Vol. X, p. 163. Original in the Rolls oflace, London. 


where they were kindly receivd, provided for, & 
protected from the rebel Indians. 

^^That the S*^ Indians being happily prevented 
from murdering Your Majesty's good Subjects (in 
Eevenge to your Pet/) presently kilPd all his Cattel, 
destroying all the Moveables, & Provisions they 
could come at, & as Your Pef had a very consider- 
able Stock of Cattel he & his Family were great suf- 
ferers thereby, as may appear by a Certificate of the 
Governour of that Province a Copy whereof is here- 
unto annexed. 

^'Your Pef therefore most humbly begs that in 
Eegard to his great undertaking, his great Losses 
& sufferings, the Service done to the Publicke in sav- 
ing the Lives of many of Your Majesty's Subjects, 
the unshak[en] Loyalty & undaunted Courage of his 
Sons, who still defend the S^ Garrison. Your Maj- 
esty in Councel will be pleas 'd to provide for him, 
his Wife & Daughter here or grant him the Post of 
M^ Cummins, a Searcher of Ships in the Harbour 
of Boston N England, lately deceased that so his 
Family, reduced to very low Circumstances may be 
resettled, & his losses repaired where they were sus- 

& Your Pef shall ever pray &c.'' 

^^I do hereby certifie that the Eev.^ M^ Woodside 
went over from Ireland to New England with a con- 
siderable Number of People, that he & they sate 


down to plant in a Place they called Brunswick in 
the Eastern Parts of New England there he huilt a 
Garrison House, which was the Means of saving the 
Lives of many of his People in the late Insurrection 
of the Indians in July last. That his Generosity is 
taken Notice of by both Doctors Mathers & that the 
Indians cutt off all his Cattle, whereby he and his 
Family are great Sufferers 

Samuel Shute 
* * Copia vera 

'^London June 25, 1723 

*^E: Memorial d Petition of James Woodside 
to His Most Excellent Majesty in Councel. 

June 1723'' 

During these days of Indian warfare, pillage and 
reprisal, men were impressed for sentinel duty, and 
distributed in small groups at garrison houses 
throughout the frontier towns in Maine, which was 
then under the jurisdiction of Massachusetts. One 
of the unpleasant experiences of young Scotch Irish- 
men was to be met in the street by an officer and his 
attendants, and forced into military service. Many 
fell sick under the strain of such a life in the Maine 
woods, and through rough usage at the hands of 
officers. This iU-treatment fell heaviest upon the 
** Irish," and particularly at the outset of the Indian 
troubles. A case is on record of a Scotch Irish im- 
pressed soldier returning weak and crippled to the 


place of his enlistment with no attempt at conceal- 
ment, and because he could not produce papers to 
show his discharge, he was whipped at the cart's 
tail, and kept in jail until the Sheriff was moved 
through pity to ask for his release. Not until one 
half the force at the front had disappeared through 
illness and desertion did the Governor take the 
matter in hand. A committee then visited the fron- 
tier and brought back an unpleasant account of 
garrison life in such places as Brunswick. 

"With the coming of militant Indians the colonists 
fled, some to the New Hampshire Londonderry or to 
Worcester, and many to Pennsylvania, leaving few 
traces of their sojourn in Maine. William Willis, 
editor of Smith and Deane's Journals, has attempted 
to gather the names of these early settlers. The 
Eev. Everett S. Stackpole, a student of the subject, 
suggests the addition* of those whose surnames ap- 
pear between brackets : 

[Andrew] McFadden Ward 

McGowen [David] Given 

[William?] Vincent [Andrew] Dunning 
[John?] Hamilton [William] Simpson 
Johnston [David Alexander and son] 

[John?]- IMalcome [William Alexander] 

McLellan [James Wilson] 

Crawford [James McFarland] 

^ Graves [George Cunningham] 


[Robert Lithgow] [David Ross] 

[John Welch] [William Craigie] 

[ Jolm Young] 

The last four men Welch,^ Ross, Craigie and 
Yonng, witnessed a deposition at Brunswick Sep- 
tember 4, 1718.- If they were Scotch Irish they 
might have come in July or August, but it seems 
most natural to place them with John Barbour at 
York where Scotchmen had lived since CromwelPs 
wars in 1650. Possibly they did not have any con- 
nection with the Scotch Irish movement. 

At the outbreak of Dummer's war many Bruns- 
wick settlers sailed for Boston, and suffered the 
customary formality of being warned out of town. 
Lists of these have the virtue of being well within 
the field of verity. The settlers thus recorded un- 
doubtedly came from the Kennebec country or settle- 
ments adjoining, and nearly all of these were Scotch 
Irish. The date at the left shows when the record of 
warning was reported to the selectmen in Boston. 

July 25, 1719 : 

Mary Banerlen, a widd° w*^ 6 Children who 
came from Bronswick into this Town on ye® 
22^^ of July. 

^ See Monmouth, Maine. 

» York deeds. Vol. 9, folio 238. 


October 24, 1719 : 

John Clark w*^ Ms wife & five children who 
came from Merrymeeting bay. 
October 24, 1719 : 

John Gray w^^ his wife & five Children 
John Newel w'^ his wife & three Children 
Robert Tark w*^ Ms wife & three Children who 
all came into this Town from Berwick in a 
sloop Thomas Bell masf 
James Dixwell & James Wallis hnsb^men who 

arrived here from y^ Eastward 
Susanna Gate who Sayes She came from the 
Jnly 22, 1720 : 

Eliz^ Rylee from Arrowsack. 
October 28, 1720 : 

Jean Hall & child from Piscattiqua. 
January 27, 1721/22 : 

^ Humphry Taylor Wife & Six Children from 
Smal point, warned Aug. 7th. 
Jean Sper & three Children from the East- 
ward, warned August 5th. 
Mary Shertwell from Arowshick 
John Miller from Misconges 
July 28, 1722 from the Eastward viz.* [the following 
who from their names, notably that of McFar- 
land, evidently came from about Merrymeeting 

Jean Hunter with Two Children 


Katherin Carter with & 3 Children 
Jean Wilson with 4 Children 
Sundry from the Eastward viz* 
Andrew Macfaden wife & 6 Children 
Isaac Hunter wife & 2 Children 
Alexan*" wife and 4 Children 
James Johnson wife & 4 Children 
John Nelson wife & 2 Children 
Mathew Acheson wife & 2 Children 
Andrew Rogers 
Robert Rowland 
Samuel f orgeson 
William Hambleton 

November 6, 1722. A List of Sundry Persons 
Brought from Brunswick, Topsham and Towns 
adjacent at the Eastward parts by Thomas San- 
ders, and warned to depart the Town of Boston, 
as the Law directs, August the 12*^ 1722. viz\ 

Charles Stuart Susan Lithgoe 

Hanna Stuart Will"" Lithgoe 

Hana Stuart Jean Lithgoe 

Sam" Stuart Susan Lithgoe 

Henry Stuart James Ross^ 

Moses Harper Jenet Ross 

Mary Harper Eliza**" Ross 

Jenat Harper Mary Ross 

Robert Lithgoe Isb" Ross 

^Wheeler thinks he was not Scotch Irish. 



Jolm Ross 
Mary Thorn 
Thomas Thorn 
Hugh Minsy [Menzies?] 
Sarah Minsy 
John Young 
Katherine Young 
Margaret Young 
Mary Young 
Easter Young 
Sarah Young 
James Harper 
James Miller 
Margaret Wadburn 
Mary Wadburn 
George Wadburn 
David Evins 
Will'" Evins 
Thomas Rogers 
Eliza*^ Rogers 
Isabella Rogers 
John Hamilton 
John Hamilton 

James Beverly 
Agnus Beverly 
James Beverly 
Sam" Beverly 
Joseph Beverly 
Mary Smith 
John Smith 
Aubia Smith 
Mathew Smith 
Robert Wallis 
Martha Wallis 
John Wallis 
Anbah Wallis 
Jonas Stanwood^ 
Sam" Stanwood^ 
David Stanwood^ 
M'' Salter 
Mary Salter 
Thomas Salter 
Mary Salter 

M"" Swwanan & 

M" Cary & wif 

James Rodgers 

April 26, 1723 : 

Daniel Hunter & His Wife 
James Savage His Wife & five Children- 
Irish people from Smal Point. Ap"" 10*^. 

*Not Scotcli Irish. 


October 28, 1723 : 

Tho. Hogg his wife & Two Children from 
June 29, 1724 : 

Mary Thomas & one Child from St. Georges. 

We may summarize the Merrymeeting Bay Scotch 
Irish settlers of 1718-1722 somewhat in this way, us- 
ing "Wheeler's list of early settlers, pages 865-874; 
the warnings above; and various facts found else- 
where. Some names are no doubt English, but as 
yet they cannot safely be eliminated. 

Merrymeeting Bay Scotch Irish Settlers, 1718-1722. 

Matthew Aches on, wife and two children 

Alexander, wife and four children 

David Alexander and son 

William Alexander 

Mary Banerlen, widow, and six children 

James and William Barns or Burns 

Agnes Beverly 

James Beverly 

Joseph Beverly 

Samuel Beverly 


Katherine Carter and three children 

Cary and wife 

John Clark, wife and five children 


Jolm Cocliraii 

Selectman at Brunswick in 1719? *^ Ireland'' 
in muster roll 
William Craigie 

At Brunswick September 4, 1718 


George Cunningham 
James Dixwell 
Andrew Dunning 

^* Ireland'' in muster roll 
David Evans 
John Evans 
William Evans 
Samuel Ferguson 

Alexander and James Ferguson were at Kit- 
tery in 1711 
Thomas Fleming 
David Griven or Giveen 
John Graves 

John Gray, wife and five children 
Jean Hall and child 
John Hamilton 

Abel and Gabriel Hamilton at Berwick in 
Patrick Hamilton 
Eobert Hamilton 
Robert Hamilton, Jr. 
William Hamilton 
William Handsard 


James Harper 

** Ireland'^ in muster roll 
Jenet Harper 
Joseph Harper 
Mary Harper 
Moses Harper 
William Harper 
Thomas Hogg, wife and two children ; from Ar- 

rowsic, 1723 
lAdam Hunter 
Daniel Hunter and wife 

^^ Irish people from Smal point," 1723 
Isaac Hunter, wife and two children 
James Hunter 

Jean Hunter and two children 
John Hunter 

James Johnson, wife and four children 
Jean Lithgow 
Robert Lithgow 
Susan Lithgow 
William Lithgow 

Andrew McFadden, wife and six children 
James McFarland 



John Malcom 
James Miller 
John Miller 

From Miscongus 


Dr Hugh Minnery or Minory 
Hugh Minsy 
Sarah Minsy 
Henry Mitchell 

** Ireland" in muster roll 
Hugh Mitchell 

'* Ireland" in muster roll 
William Montgomery 
John Nelson, wife and two children 
John Newel, wife and three children 
James Rankin 
Elizabeth Riley 

From Arrowic 
Andrew Rogers 
Elizabeth Rogers 
Isabella Rogers 
James Rogers 
Thomas Rogers 
David Ross 
Elizabeth Ross 
Isabella Ross 
James Ross 
Jenet Ross 
John Ross 
Mary Ross 
Robert Rowland 

Mr Salter 

Mary Salter 
Thomas Salter . 


James Savage, wife and five children 

''Irish people from Smal point/' 1723 
Mary Shertwell 

From Arrowsic 
William Simpson 
Anbia Smith 
James Smith 
John Smith 
Mary Smith 
Matthew Smith 
Jean Spear and three children 
David and James Steel 
James Stinson or Stevenson 

' ' Ireland ' ' in muster roll 
John Stinson 
Eobert Stinson 
Charles Stnart 
Hannah Stnart 
Henry Stnart 
Samuel Stuart 
William Tailer 

Robert Tark, wife and three children 
Humphrey Taylor, wife and six children 

From Small Point 
Mary Thomas and one child 

From Saint Greorges, 1724 
Peter Thompson 
Mary Thorn 
Thomas Thorn 


James Thornton 

Thomas Tregoweth 

John Vincent 

Anbah Wallis 

Daniel Wallis 

James Wallis 

John Wallis 

Martha Wallis 

Robert Wallis 


John Welch 

James Wilson 

Jean Wilson and four children 

George Woodbnrn 

Margaret Woodbnrn 

Mary Woodbnrn 

Samuel York 

Easter Yonng 

John Yonng 

Katherine Yonng 

Margaret Yonng 

Mary Yonng 

Sarah Young 
These are the settlers who fulfilled the Rev. Cotton 
Mather's dream of a line of emigrant outposts. 
They suffered grievous hardships, but who shall say 
that they and theirs did not in the fulness of time 
reap a just reward of prosperity, influence and 
honor ? 


The Scotch Irish petition, signed in Ireland, bears 
the date ^Hhis 26th day of March, Annoq. Dom. 
1718, '' a few weeks only before the Rev. Mr. Boyd 
set sail for New England, where he arrived abont 
July 25th. While his friends were crossing the 
ocean, Mr. Boyd endeavored to interest Governor 
Shute, Judge Sewall and the Rev. Cotton Mather in 
their behalf. Evidently he could do little more in 
Boston than call upon persons of influence before his 
flock came into the harbor. 

We have seen that many of the settlers went to the 
frontier settlement at Worcester, and still others to 
Casco Bay, where Grovernor Shute was endeavoring 
to foster the growth of Falmouth. James Smith 
went to Needham, Walter l^ath to Lunenburg, and 
Matthew Watson to Leicester, although it is not al- 
ways possible to say that these or others went imme- 
diately to the towns where^they eventually settled. 
The followers of the two clergymen, Boyd and Mc- 
Gregor, desired a grant of land which they might 
control rather than permission to settle among the 
old stock that had founded the colony. These men 
remained in Boston while negotiations went on. The 


Rev. Mr. McGregor and Archibald Boyd/ perhaps 
a brother of the clergyman of that name, sent the 
following petition to the General Conrt : 

^^A Petition of Archibald Boyd, James MacGreg- 
ory & sundry others Setting forth that the Petition- 
ers being nnder very discouraging circumstances in 
their own Countrey (viz. the Kingdom of Ireland) as 
well on the Account of Religion, as the Severity of 
their Rents & Taxes ; & having heard of the great 
Willingness to encourage any of his Majestys Prot- 
estant & loyal Subjects of sober conversation to set- 
tle within this Province they have this last Sum- 
mer, with their Families, undertaken a long & haz- 
zardous Voyage to the sd Parts & are now residing 
in & about Boston, & have been waiting the Meeting 
of this Hon^^^ Assembly : And Praying that the Court 
would be pleased to grant unto them a convenient 
Tract of their wast Land, in such Place as they shall 
think fit, where they may without Loss of time, settle 
themselves & their Families, as over forty more 
Families who will come from Ireland as soon as they 
hear of their obtaining Land for Township; which 
they apprehend will be of great Advantage to this 
Country by strengthening the Frontiers & out Parts 
& making Provisions Cheaper. 

''In the House of Represent^^^ October 31, 1718: 
Read and Committed. In Council; Read." 

^A Rev. Archibald Boyd, of Maghera, ordained October 28, 
1703, was "set aside" in 1716. 


The above petition shows that the rigorous laws 
relating to religion, and the rise in rents and taxes 
abont Coleraine in Ireland, brought about the Scotch 
Irish^ migration. The reference to forty families 
soon to follow may indicate some connection in the 
plans of the McGregor company and the Rev. James 
Woodside's party which finally settled at Bruns- 
wick. The petition was granted November 20, 1718, 
and a committee of six was appointed to lay. out a 
town for the people from Ireland. It was to be six 
miles square, of unappropriated lands *4n the East- 
ern parts. " Eighty hous6 lots were to be laid out in 
a defensible manner, and not exceeding one hundred 
acres more to each lot. When forty lots had been 
taken the owners would manage all their own pru- 
dential affairs, and upon the settlement of eighty 
families they could then dispose of common lands. 
With true New England spirit, provision was made 
for two hundred and fifty acres to be set aside for 
the ministry before any other allotments were made, 
and a like amount for a school.^ 

Parker states that the company which passed the 
winter of 1718-19 on shipboard in Casco Bay ex- 
plored the country to the eastward, and finding noth- 
ing satisfactory that had not been claimed they as- 
cended the Merrimac to Haverhill, April 2, 1719 ; at 
this point they were told of a fertile tract of land 
covered with nut trees, lying about fourteen miles 

* Province Laws, 1718-19, Chapters 99, 104. 


north west of the meeting-liouse at Haverhill. Leav- 
ing their families there, or across the river at Brad- 
ford, the men of the party, James McKeen, Captain 
James G-regg and others, at once mounted horses 
and rode over to examine the land. They found it 
satisfactory and named the place Nutfield, on ac- 
count of the trees growing there. They remained 
to build a few temporary huts near a small tribu- 
tary of Beaver Brook, which they called West-run- 
ning Brook. They then returned to Haverhill for 
their wives and children. Those who had remained 
on the south side of the Merrimac at Bradford or 
Andover crossed over the river in boats. The 
Haverhill rabble had no love for the ** Irish," and 
greeted thepa with jeers and ridicule. When near- 
ing the shore for a landing one of the boats turned 
over, so that women and children were thrown into 
the water. This afforded boundless delight to the 
onlookers, and at last inspired a local bard, who 

'^Then they began to scream and bawl, 
And if the devil had spread his net 
He would have made a glorious haul. ' '^ 

Several of the company went to Nutfield by way 
of Dracut, a town near the mouth of Beaver Brook, 
where it joins the Merrimac. They met the Rev. 

' B. L. Mirick's Haverhill, 1832, pp. 140-141. 


Mr. McGregor and asked him to go with them. The 
two parties journeying to Nutfield met on April 
11th, at the little hill where the men had on the pre- 
vious visit tied their horses. This happy and mem- 
orable occasion was made impressive by an address 
from the Eev. Mr. McGregor. He congratulated his 
friends on the termination of their wanderings after 
enduring the perils of a voyage across the ocean and 
a pitiless winter. He besought them to be stead- 
fast in their faith in the midst of a strange people 
and unknown dangers. 

Before he returned to Dracut the next day he 
preached from Isaiah xxxii. 2, ^^And a man shall be 
a hiding-place from the wind, and a covert from the 
tempest; as rivers of water in a dry place; as the 
shadow of a great rock in a weary land. ' ' He stood 
under a large oak tree, east of Beaver Pond and 
within sight of the first rude cabins of his people, 
who now gathered round him. His tall figure was 
erect and commanding, his dark face serene and 
strong. It was a time for courage and for prayer. 
They had come over the sea to escape persecution 
and had met everywhere in the new world intol- 
erance and' distrust. They had not only to subdue 
the wilderness but to kindle a brotherly Christian 
spirit in the grandsons of those who founded Ply- 
mouth and Boston. 

The settlers decided to build on either side of 
West-running Brook, each home lot to be thirty rods 


wide, fronting the brook, and extending back from 
the bank to a distance sufficient to make each lot 
contain sixty acres. In this way they were able for 
a few years to live in a close community as a pro- 
tection from the Indians. Two stone garrison houses 
were built for further safety, although as it hap- 
pened the town was never attacked, and one man, 
James Blair, never sought their sheltering walls. 

There is a tradition that this immunity from In- 
dian assault was due to a bond of friendship between 
McGregor and Philippe, Marquis de Vaudreuil, Gov- 
ernor-general of Canada. It has been said that the 
two men, the Catholic nobleman and the Protestant 
commoner, attended the same college. The improb- 
ability of the story is apparent, although some form 
of intercourse between the two may be inferred 
from the fact that a manuscript sermon in McGreg- 
or's hand bears on the margin VaudreuiPs name 
and titles. The following paragraph in SewalPs 
Diary, under date of March 5, 1718-19, refers to 
news obtained by Boyd, possibly from a letter writ- 
ten by Vaudreuil, although there is not the slightest 
evidence that it was sent to McGregor. The passage 
reads: ^^Mr. Boyd dines with me: he says there is 
a Report in the Town that Gov"" Vandrel [Vaudreuil] 
has written that he can no longer keep back the In- 
dians from War. ' ' 

In these days of hewing and building at Nutfield 
we get a pleasant bit of humor in the story of the 










t|/ i 

/■' ■ 


construction of John Morison's log cabin. John 
was at work on the bank of West-running Brook, 
selecting from his pile of logs those that he pre- 
ferred for front wall and for sides, and those best 
suited for beams to support the roof. His wife 
Margaret, engrossed by her share of the home du- 
ties, nevertheless found time to watch his progress 
and also to cast an eye about upon the work being 
done by other women's husbands. As the cabin 
grew she became anxious, and approaching him in 
a manner unusually affectionate she said: ^^Aweel, 
aweel, dear Joan, an it maun be a loghouse, do make 
it a log heegher nor the lave" (higher than the rest). 
It was her grandson, Jeremiah Smith, whose inheri- 
ted desire to excel made him a member of Congress 
and chief justice of his state. 

But there was in these settlers something more 
"vital than even a proper pride. They were every- 
where devout. When a religious organization was 
needed the Bann company at once thought of the 
Rev. Mr. McGrregor. He accepted their invitation 
to settle at Nutfield and in May, 1719, removed with 
his family from Dracut to the new village. This 
must have been a contrast indeed, leaving the well- 
established town for a large field covered with 
stumps of trees, intersected by a brook, and dotted 
with log cabins. But between the stumps potatoes 
and beans and barley grew, and where the smoke 
curled from the clay chimneys he knew that there 


he should recognize voices, and should meet eyes 
that were familiar with Coleraine in old Ireland, 
with the Salmon Leap, the Giant's Causeway, Boyd's 
mountain, and even with God's house in far-away 
Aghadowey church-yard. There he had been known 
as the '* Peace-maker," and he lived to be revered 
anew in his New England home. 

The settlement had been made at Nutfield under 
the impression that the lands were in Massachusetts, 
but in May, 1719, the General Court decided that 
New Hampshire had jurisdiction over them. James 
Gregg and Eobert Wear, in behalf of the Scotch 
Irish at Nutfield, then asked the governor and court 
assembled at Portsmouth, New Hampshire, for a 
township ten miles square. Meanwhile, to obtain a 
title to the lands of Nutfield, which were claimed by 
several persons, they applied to Colonel John Wheel- 
wright, the chief claimant. By virtue of a deed of 
grant made to his grandfather and others by repre- 
sentatives of all the Indians between the Merrimac 
and the Piscataqua, the colonel held a title which 
commanded attention. His deed to James McGregor, 
Samuel Graves, David Cargill, James McKeen, 
James Gregg, *^and one hundred more" was dated 
October 20, 1719.^ 

Lieutenant-Governor Wentworth, on account of a 
dispute as to the title, refused to make a grant, but 
by. advice of his council extended to the people the 

* See Parker's Londonderry, page 321. 


benefits of government and appointed James 
McKeen a justice of the peace and Eobert Wear a 
sheriff. The petition^ reads; *^The Hnmble peti- 
tion of the People late of Ireland now settled at Nut- 
field to his Excellency the Governor and General 
Court assembled at Portsmouth Sep' 23^ 1719. 

*' Humbly Sheweth, That your Petitioners having 
made application to the General Court met at Bos- 
ton in October last" and having obtained a grant for 
a Township in any part of their unappropriated 
lands took incouragement thereupon to settle at 
Nutfield about the Eleventh of Aprile last which is 
situated by Estimation about fourteen miles from 
Haverel meeting House to the North West and fif- 
teen miles from Dracut meeting House on the Eiver 
merrimack north and by East. That your petition- 
ers since their settlement have found that the said 
Nutfield is claimed by three or four different parties 
by virtue of Indian Deeds, yet none of them offered 
any disturbance to your petitioners except one party 
from Newbury and Salem. Their Deed from one 
John Indian bears date March the 13th Anno Dom : 
1701 and imports that they had made a purchase of 
the said land for five pounds, by virtue of this deed 
they claim ten miles square Westward from Haverel 

^ New Hampshire Town Papers, Vol. IX, p. 480. 

'The petition from John Armstrong at Falmouth was not 
granted. That from Archibald Boyd led to the grant of a town- 
sljip, and so appears to be the one here referred to. 


line and one Caleb Moody of Newbury in their name 
discharged our People from clearing or any wais 
improving the said land unless we agreed that 
twenty or five and twenty families at most should 
dwell there and that all the rest of the land should 
be reserved for them. 

'^That your petitioners by reading the Grant of 
the Crown of Great Britain to the Province of the 
Massachusetts bay, which determineth their north- 
ern line three miles from the River merrimack from 
any and every part of the River and by advise from 
such as were more capable to judge of this Affair, 
are Satisfied that the said Nutfield is within his 
Majesties Province of New Hampshire which we are 
further Confirmed in, because the General Court met 
at Boston in May last, upon our renewed application 
did not think fit any way to intermeddle with the 
said land. 

* * That your petitioners therefore imbrace this op- 
portunity of addressing this honorable Court, pray- 
ing that their Township may consist of ten miles 
square or in a figure Equivalent to it, they being al- 
ready in number about seventy Families & Inhabi- 
tants and more of their friends arrived from Ireland 
to settle with them, and many of the people of New 
England settling with them, and that they being so 
numerous may be Erected into a Township with its 
usual Priviledges and have a power of making Town 
Officers and Laws, that being a frontier place they 


may the better subsist by Government amongst them, 
and may be more strong and full of Inhabitants : 

* * That your Petitioners being descended from and 
professing the Faith and Principles of the Establist 
Church of North Britain and Loyal Subjects of the 
British Crown in the family of his Majesty King 
George and incouraged by the happy administration 
of his Majesties Chief Governour in these provinces 
and the favourable inclinations of the good people 
of New England to their Brethren adventuring to 
come over and plant in this vast Wilderness, humbly 
JExpect a favorable answer from this honourable 
Court and your Petitioners as in duty bound shall 
ever pray &c, Subscribed at Nutfield in the name 
of your people Sep^ y® 21^' 1719 

*' James Gregg 
^^Robertt Wear" 

Nutfield was incorporated as the town of London- 
derry in June, 1722, and an interesting list of pro- 
prietors was appended to the act/ 

It would be fruitless to follow longer the fortunes 
of the New Hampshire Londonderry, since Parker 
has written the story in all its detail. The people 
throve and multiplied, they tilled the soil, fished at 
the Amoskeag falls, and made linens and hollands 
that became known far and wide. 

*See Parker's Londonderry, pp. 322-326; also New Hampshire 
Town Papers, Vol. IX, p. 484. 


It is said by Parker that sixteen men with their 
families first settled on the *' common field'' about 
the mouth of West-running Brook. Perhaps they 
should be defined^ as the immediate friends of Mr. 
McGregor. The town in December, 1719, voted to 
grant a lot to each of ^Hhe first Comers to the town, 
which is the number of twenty, *' The sixteen men 
were : 

James McKeen, of Ballymoney,^ County Antrim: he 
married 1st Janet Cochran, 2d Annis Cargill. His 
daughter married James Nesmith. He died No- 
vember 9, 1756, at the age of 91 years. 
James Gregg, of Macosquin, County Londonderry: 
he married Janet Cargill, sister of Mrs. McKeen 
above and of Mrs. James McGregor. 
John Barnett, Captain, and Jean his wife. Their 
children are mentioned in the records as early as 
1722. He died in 1740 at the age of 86. Jean or 
Janet was the widow of John McKeen, a brother 
of James McKeen. 
Archibald Clendenin, and Miriam his wife. Their 
children are given in the birth records as early as 

* "More strictly defined as members of Rev. James McGregor's 
congregation." — Willey's Nutfield, p. 91. 

^The townland of Ballynacree in the parish of Ballymoney was 
also a center of Quaker influence. From the Ballynacree 
monthly meetings there went out to Pennsylvania Daniel, Andrew 
and Alexander Moore, William McCool, Samuel Beverly, Samuel 
Miller, John Boyd and Thomas McMillan. 


John Mitchell, Captain, died in 1776, aged 80. His 
wife Eleanor died in 1771, aged 74. 

James Sterrett, of whom little is known. His home 
lot was isolated, and next to it he had a grant of 
80 acres laid out in 1729. 

James Anderson, and Mary his wife. Their children 
are mentioned as early as 1720. He died in 1771, 
aged 88. His grand-daughter Alice married the 
Rev. Joseph McKeen, first president of Bowdoin 

• College, grandson of James McKeen. 

Allen Anderson, married a daughter of Hugh Ran- 
kin but died childless. Land was laid out to him 
in 1728. 

Randal Alexander, and Jenet his wife. Their chil- 
dren are mentioned on the birth records. He died 
in 1770, aged 83. The '^Randal" in Scotch Irish 
names came from the great Earl of Antrim. 

James Clark, and Elizabeth his wife, had a child 
whose birth is recorded in 1726. He became a 
deacon, and had four sons and a daughter. 

James Nesmith, married Elizabeth, daughter of 
James McKeen. He died in 1767, aged 75. She 
died in 1763, at the age of 67. 

Robert Weir or Wear, and Martha his wife. A 
daughter Elizabeth was born in 1723. 

John Morison, and Margaret his wife. He died in 
Peterborough in 1776, aged 98. She died in 1769, 
aged 82. 

Samuel Allison, and Catherine his wife. Their 


children are mentioned as early as 1721. He died 

in 1760, at the age of 70. 
Thomas Steele, married Martha Morison, sister of 

John Morison above. He died in 1748, aged 65. 

She died in 1759, aged 73. 
John Stuart, and Jean his wife. 

The records speak of twenty ''first comers," so 
that we should, perhaps, add four others to the above 
list. These might be Groffe, Graves, Simonds and 
Keyes, or the first two, with the Eev. Mr. McG-regor 
and a fQurth. At best we can only oifer a surmise. 

With the sixteen settlers should be associated the 
Eev. James McGregor who married Marion Cargill, 
the sister of Mrs. McKeen and Mrs. James' Gregg. 
These people were all from the banks of the Bann 
Eiver, or the Bann Water, as it was called, and had 
ties of blood or social intercourse to hold them 
together. James McKeen and his brother John were 
in business together at Ballymoney,^ county Antrim, 
in 1718, and had prospered. They determined to 
emigrate to America, influenced perhaps by James 's 
brother-in-law McGregor who felt keenly the effects 
of commercial depression and religious strife in Ire- 

^ The accompanying sketch of Ballymoney, reconstructed from 
a plan, shows its four streets. In the foreground is Meeting 
House Lane, with the Gate Cabin (near Gate End and the Castle) 
at the extreme left, and Fort Cabin at the right, with the Meet- 
ing House opposite to it. The Main Street leads to Coleraine. 
From it to the right is Church Street; to the left is Piper's 
Bow, with the Market on the corner. 


'j::y:-. ..■':■■■■ 


land/ John McKeen died a short time before the 
ship was to sail ; but his widow with her four chil- 
dren continued with the party, which was evidently 
composed of families allied by marriage or closely 
associated with the McKeen business interests in 
Ballymoney, or with the Rev. Mr. McGregor's reli- 
gious life across the Bann at Aghadowey and Ma- 
cosquin. We are not surprised therefore to hear 
that McKeen 's daughter said to her granddaughter 
one day that '* James McKeen, having disposed of 
his property embarked with his preacher. Rev. 
James McGregor and sixteen others, who had bound 
themselves to him for a certain time to pay for their 
passage to America."^ He no doubt engaged the 
ship and becaine responsible for most of the expense 
of the enterprise. 

The news that the Scotch Irish were to have a tract 
of land ten miles square for a town of their own soon 
attracted settlers from Boston, Worcester, and Fal- 
mouth. In September, 1719, there were seventy fam- 
ilies at Nutfield, not all, however, of Scotch Irish con- 
nection. The list of proprietors of Londonderry in 
1722 records about one hundred Scotch Irish land 
owners, and also several of English descent, John 
Wheelwright, Benning Wentworth, Richard Wal- 

* His parish had become poor and his salary was greatly in 

*Mrs. Thorn's statement, L. A. Morrison's Dinsmoor Family, 
Lowell, 1891, p. 41. 


dron, Edward Proctor, Benjamin and Joseph 

It is difficult to name the seventy families who set- 
tled at Nntfield before September, 1719 ; there must 
have been in addition to the sixteen original fam- 
ilies at least twenty five who came during the sum- 
mer of 1719. Some of these twenty five or more we 
know: others are to be found probably in the list 
of proprietors of 1722.^ One might name : 

David Car gill, a selectman in 1719 ; he may have 
been the father of Mrs. McKeen, Mrs. Gregg and 
Mrs. McGregor: he was elected as the first select- 
man, a courtesy perhaps to his distinguished sons- 
in-law, for he served but one year. He had been a 
Kuling Elder of the church in Aghadowey, Ireland, 
and died in 1734, at the age of 73. His wife Jenet 
survived him for eleven years. 

Alexander McMurphy, mentioned very early. His 
son John was a Justice of the Peace, and the town's 
first representative.^ 

James Keid, a graduate of the University of Edin- 
burgh; among the first settlers, and prominent. He 
died in 1755, at the age of sixty. 

John Wallace, who came in 1719 or 1720, and mar- 
ried in 1721 Annis Barnett. They had four sons and 
four daughters. 

^ I am indebted to Mrs. Charles F. White, Mrs. Henry S. Tufts 
and Miss Virginia Hall for many genealogical facts of value in 
connection with these families. 

^'See Willey's Nutfield, p. 231. 


Abraham Holmes's Letter from the Church at Aghadowey, 


John Bell, from Ballymoney in 1719 or 1720. The 
grandfather of Grovernor Bell of New Hampshire. 

Abraham Holmes came with his wife and children 
in 1719. He died in 1753, at the age of 70. His wife 


Mary Morison was probably a sister of David and 
Samuel Morison. They brought a very interesting 
letter from the church in Aghadowey, Ireland, signed 
by John Given and David Cargill. This letter 
reads :^ 

' ' The bearer, Abraham Holmes, Janet Givens his 
mother-in-law, Mary Morison his wife, and their 
two Children has lived in this Congregation the most 
part of them from their Infancy, and all along, and 
now at their departure they were not only sober and 
free of publick scandle, But also of good Eeport 
and Christian Conversation (Children exepted) now 
Communicants with us. And now being about to 
transport themselves to New England in America we 
have nothing to hinder their being received as mem- 
bers of any Christian Society, and may be admitted 
to sealing ordinances wherever providence may or- 
der their lot; all of which is certified at Ahadonia 
[Aghadowey] this 12^^ day of June 1719. 

Witness by 
''John Givens 
''David Cargill" 

The following men are mentioned in the historical 
statement with which the first town clerk opened his 
book of records : 

^I am indebted to Mr. J. Albert Holmes for a copy of this 
paper. The original is owned by Mr. Charles D. Page of New 


Robert Boyes, a prominent pioneer, who was sent 
to Ireland after Mr. McGregor's death to secure a 
successor in the pulpit ; 

Alexander and James Nichols, both useful men ; 

Alexander McGregor, doubtless a relative of the 
clergyman ; 

James Blair, the man who lived without fear of 
Indians and was never molested ; 

Alexander Walker, and 

James Morison. 

Among those who may have been of English ori- 
gin, but were very early in Nutfield two appear on 
the to\vn records in 1719 : 

John Goffe was town clerk from 1719 to 1722. He 
probably belonged to the Charlestown family of the 
same name. 

Samuel Graves, a selectman as early as 1719. 
One might expect him to be a relative of the McKeen 
connection, for he was a grantee from Wheelwright 
of the Nutfield township, and the other four grantees 
mentioned, McKeen, McGregor, Cargill and Gregg 
were all related one to another by blood or marriage. 

Two other men are noted by the editor of the 
printed Londonderry records as early settlers, Jo- 
seph Simonds, who appears in the historical state- 
ment, and Elias Keyes, who, like Goffe and Graves, 
fails of mention in the statement. 


So ends a list whicli is far from satisfactory since 
many others may have been in Londonderry during 
the summer of the year 1719. Goife, the town clerk, 
placed upon the Nutfield records birth dates which 
antedate 1718. It cannot be assumed that settlers 
reported these facts before the settlement was made 
at West-running Brook. Probably Goffe, who re- 
corded his own early family statistics, did a like 
service for his friends the Graveses, MacMurphys, 
Leslies and Smiths.^ They were, perhaps, all in 
Nutfield in 1719. 

The early settlers of Londonderry comprised 
many who remained but a short time and moved on 
to new plantations.^ 

William Aiken James Andersont 

Edward Aiken John Anderson 

James Aiken John Archibald 

William Adams John Archibald, Jr. 

James Alexander Robert Armstrong 

( called * * early ' ' by Robert Actmuty or 
Jesse McMurphy) Auchmuty 

Randal Alexander t John Barnettt ° 

Samuel AUisonJ John Barnett, Jr. 

Allen Anderson t J ° John Bell 

' Willey's Nutfield, pp. 63, 237. 

=^ Robert Boyes and David Cargill in 1729 sent a petition to 
Colonel Dunbar in behalf of 150 families who desired lands about 
Pemaquid, Maine, for settlement. Maine Historical Society Col- 
lections, Baxter MSB., Vol. X, p. 439. 

* 1 1 '*. For explanation see p. 265. 



James Blairt ° 
John Blair 
David Bogle 
Thomas Bogle 
Dr. Hugh Bolton 
William Bolton 
Eobert Boyest ° 
Thomas Caldwell 
William Campbell 
David Cargill* ° 
David Cargill, Jr.° 
George Clark 
James Clarkt ° 
John Clark 
Matthew Clark 
Robert Clark 
Thomas Clark 
Archibald ClendeninJ ° 
Andrew Cochran 
John Cochran 
Peter Cochran 
William Cochran 
David Craig 
John Crombie 
David Dickey 
Samuel Dickey 
James Doak 
John Doak 
Eobert Doak 

George Duncan 
William Eayers 
James Gilmore 
Eobert Gilmore 
William Gilmore 
John Given 
John Goff^* 
Samuel Graves* ° 
John Gray 
Henry Green 
David Gregg 
James Gregg* 1 1 ° 
John Gregg 
Samuel Gregg 
William Gregg 
Nehemiah Griffin 
Abraham Holmes 
Samuel Huston 
William Humphra or 

James Lesly or Leslie 
James Liggit 
James Lindsey [of 
Mendon, turner, 
John McClurg 
Alexander McCollum 
John McConoeighy 
Daniel McDufPee 



James McGlaugMin 
Rev James McG-regor* t 
Alexander McGregor! ° 
John Mack 
James McKeen* 1 1 ° 
Janet McKeen 
John McKeen 
Robert McKeen 
Samuel McKeen 
Alexander McMurphy 
John McMurphy 
Alexander McNeal 
James McNeal 
John McNeal 
Abel Merrel 
John Mitchellt 
Hugh Montgomery 
James Moor 
John Moor 
Samuel Moor 
David Moris on 
James Morisont ° 
John Morison, d. 1736 
John Morison (Jr.) * t J 
Robert Morison 
Samuel Morison 
James Nesmitht ° 
Alexander Nichols! ° 
James Nichols t ° 

Peter Patterson 

° John Pinkerton 
Hugh Ramsey 
Hugh Rankin 
James Reid 
John Richey 
James Rogers 
John Sheales 
William Smith 
Archibald Stark 
Thomas Steele! t ° 
James Sterrettt 
John StuartJ 
Jonathan Taylor 
Matthew Taylor 
William Thompson 
Andrew Todd 
Alexander Walker! ° 
John Wallace 
Robert Weir or Wear 
Benjamin Williams 
Benjamin Wills on 
Elizabeth Willson 

° Mary Willson 
Thomas Willson 
William Willson 
James Wilson 
Robert Wilson 
John Woodford 



* indicates that the name will he found on the town records of 

t indicates that the name appears in the historical statement 
with which the town records open. 

t indicates one of Parker's "first sixteen settlers." 

° indicates an early settler in the judgment of the editor of the 
printed Londonderry records. 

The following proprietors of Londonderry in 1722 
have not been included above ; few if any were Scotch 
Irish: Col. John Wheelwright, Edward Proctor, 

Beaediville, Baixywillan, County Antrim 
Seat of the Leckys, distinguished at the Siege of Derry 

Benjamin and Joseph Kidder, Joseph Simonds, 
Elias Kays, John Eobey, John Senter, Stephen 
Perce, Andrew Spanlden, Benning Wentworth, and 
Eichard Waldron. The Scotch Irish had their wish 
fulfilled, the desire for a town to be ruled by their 
own kith and kin. 



AFTER 1718 

After the development of Londonderry, Rutland, 
and Pelham the New England Scotch Irish spread 
gradually into other towns, Windham, Antrim, 
Peterborough, Colerain, Blandford, Palmer and 
many more. Upon each they left a mark of thrift and 
piety. From these towns the more venturesome 
moved westward into New York, and one of their 
settlements, Cherry Valley, became famous later as 
the scene of an Indian massacre. Receiving fewer 
immigrants from Ireland to swell their numbers 
than like communities at the South received, the 
Scotch Irish of New England had less power, both 
to exercise in civil aflPairs, and to aid them to 
maintain their transplanted faith. If they may be 
said to have been unfortunate in this respect they 
have been peculiarly favored in their historians. 
Londonderry, Windham, Peterborough and Pelham 
are represented by local histories that treasure the 
Scotch Irish tradition. The life of Judge Jeremiah 
Smith, and the family histories of the Blairs, Smiths 
and Morrisons, are typical of the record of Scotch 


Irish life that New England has preserved. If it 
be true that history mnst achieve vitality to reclaim 
a dead past, we may say, viewing these vital his- 
torical works, that New England in the days of the 
Scotch Irish pioneers still lives. Of the Scotch Irish 
at the South much of this can also be said with 
equal emphasis. Theirs is a record of influence still 
to be traced in history. 

A southern stronghold of Presbyterianism was 
in the neighborhood of Newcastle, Delaware. The 
narrow tongue of land between the upper shore of 
Chesapeake Bay and the Delaware River is shared 
by Maryland and Delaware. Maryland's portion 
includes the Elk River and is known as Cecil 
County. Delaware's portion is called Newcastle 
County, with Wilmington, its chief city, at the mouth 
of Christiana Creek. Nortfi of these two counties 
and across the Pennsylvania line are Lancaster and 
Chester counties (all known as Chester County from 
1682 to 1729), extending from the Delaware River 
to the Susquehanna River. This territory, south a 
few miles from Philadelphia, became the mecca for 
Scotch emigrants from Ireland. These emigrants 
pushed up through Newcastle County to cross the 
Pennsylvania line, hoping to escape from Maryland 
and its tithes.^ Unfortunately at this very time the 
exact line of the boundary was in dispute between 
Lord Baltimore and the heirs of William Penn, and 

* Pennsylvania Magazine of History, January, 1901, p. 497. 


many of the settlers flocked in and preempted land 
in dispute, witliont obtaining right or title. To add 
to the confusion the Penn family were in a state of 
domestic discord, so that their agent James Logan 
allowed very few grants in any place after the year 
1720. An exception was made however in the case 
of the Scotch Irish, people who, said Logan, *4f 
kindly used, will I believe be orderly, as they have 
hitherto been, and easily dealt with; they will also, 
I expect, be a leading example to others." These 
grants were made for a settlement which was called 

At this early period when the business of sending 
* ' runners ' ' into the rural communities in Ireland to 
stimulate emigration^ had not begun, we must not ex- 
pect to find any noticeable increase in the number 
of ships entering the Atlantic ports. At Boston 
trading vessels from Dublin were not infrequent 
visitors, but aside from servants their passengers 
were few. At Charleston the number of ships en- 
tering the port scarcely varied between the years 
1714 and 1724, except for a falling off when the 
pirates injured commerce in 1717-18, and a tempo- 
rary increase in 1719. 

Few Scotch Irish came to New York in the early 
part of the eighteenth century because the Governor 
of New York and New Jersey, Lord Combury, dealt 

^ Pennsylvania Magazine of History, Vol. 21, p. 495. 
^lUa, p. 485. 


harshly with dissenters. The Eev. Francis Mak- 
emie and the Rev. John Hampton visited the city 
on a missionary tour to New England in January, 
1706-7. Makemie was refused permission to 
preach in the Dutch Church, but conducted a service 
openly at the home of William Jackson in Pearl 
Street on Sunday, the 19th. He was arrested and 
thrown into prison for preaching without a license. 
Makemie petitioned for a speedy trial, but the legal 
proceedings were permitted to drag on until the 
seventh of June when a verdict of not guilty was 
brought in. The financial burden of imprisonment 
and trial, amounting to more than eighty three 
pounds, fell entirely upon Makemie, although he is 
known to have had firm friends in New York. His 
sureties John Johnstone, gentleman, and William 
Jackson, cordwainer, both recorded in 1703 as resi- 
dents of the South ward, no doubt had listened to 
this famous sermon; and we know of four others 
who were present: Captain John Theobalds, John 
Yanhorne, Anthony Young and one Harris, Lord 
Cornbury^s coachman.^ The Governor, soon after 
the trial, was removed from office and imprisoned 
for debt. Late in 1718 the News-Letter furnishes 
evidence of the arrival of passengers from Ireland 
at the port of New York.^ Whether Celts or Scots 

*For a list of Presbyterians in New York in 1755, see Journal 
Presbyterian Historical Society, Vol. 1, p. 244. 

^A pink from Ireland, John Read, master, arrived with pas- 
sengers November 10, 1718. 


we have as yet no information. But in forty years 
we find the Scotch Irish in New York to he wealthy 
and of great political influence. 

Philadelphia seems to have had a considerable im- 
migration from Dublin, Belfast and Glasgow from 
the time of the arrival of the first Quakers in 1682. 
What are we to think of over seventy passengers 
from Waterford, Ireland, who arrived in the ship 
Cezer, Matthew, Cowman, commander, in July, 
1716,^ or of fifty passengers from Cork in March 

Again, of what character were the one hundred 
and fifty passengers which the Elizabeth and Mar- 
garet, after a voyage of twelve weeks from Dublin, 
left at Philadelphia in August, 1718? Were these 
people Presbyterian Scotch Irish? A few may no 
doubt have claimed their faith and their blood, but I 
cannot but believe that up to the year 1719 most of 
the passengers were English and Celtic servants 
and mechanics, with a number of prosperous Scotch 
and English Quakers. Very few Ulster weavers 
and farmers came to the South until word reached 
Ireland late in 1718 that Boyd, the Bann Valley en- 
voy, had found serious difficulty in obtaining land in 
New England for settlement. In 1719 hundreds of 
Scotch Irish immigrants turned to lands in Chester 

^News-Letter, August 6, 1716. Captain Cowman arrived from 
Dublin in September, 1717, with about one hundred passengers. 
Captain Gough in the Dove brought passengers a month later. 


County and to the fields south of the Pennsylvania 
line for their homes/ 

The Scotch Irish migration of Presbyterians to 
Chester County^ began in 1719 and thus came long 
after the English-Irish migration of Quakers which 
had begun in 1682. These Presbyterians became of 
sufficient influence in Chester County in 1722 to ob- 
tain the name Donegal for their township. Chief 
among them at this time were : 

James Galbraith, Senior, and his sons Andrew, 

James and John 
Eobert Wilkins and his sons Thomas, William, 

Peter and John 
Gordon Howard and his sons Thomas and Joseph 
George Stuart and his son John 
Peter Allen 
James Eoddy 

James and Alexander Hutchinson 
John and Eobert Spear 
Hugh, Henry, and Moses White 
Eobert McFarland and his sons Eobert and 

James Paterson 
Eichard Allison 

I ^ The curious reader may be interested in Charles Clinton's 
Journal of his voyage from Dublin via Glenarm and Derry Lough 
in 1729 when over one hundred passengers died on board. See the 
Pennsylvania Magazine of History, 1902, p. 112. 
'Futhey and Cope's Chester County, p. 248. 


Patrick Campbell 

Robert Middleton 

Thomas Bayly 

Jonas Davenport 

James and Samuel Smith 

James Kyle 

James and Thomas Mitchell 

John and Benjamin Sterrett 

Joseph Work 

Ephraim Lytle 

David McClure 

Samuel Fulton 

Alexander McKean 

Robert and Arthur Buchannan 

James Cunningham 

William Maybee 

William Hay 

Henry Bailey 

John Taylor 

William Bryan 

John and Malcom Karr 

Edward Dougherty 

John and Hugh Scott 

The place names in old Chester County, Pennsyl- 
vania, such as Derry, Donegal and Toboyne, suggest 
that the early emigrants came for the most part 
from lands west of the River Foyle. 

These pioneers built their log cabins in the pleas- 











ant meadows and woodlands near Jolin Galbraith's 
mill, and in due time tliey gave of their prosperity to 
maintain a well-built ''ordinary" or tavern, for 
which the same thrifty John obtained a license in 
1726. Here Eebecca, his daughter, was born, to be- 
come at the age of eighteen the wife of Colonel Eph- 
raim Blaine whose untiring efforts as Commissary 
of Provisions kept body and soul together through 
the terrible winter at Valley Forge. Thus the 
Scotch Irish of Donegal were to have their influence 
upon the greater events of the world. 

The fine old church at Donegal became a center of 
religious influence. Its plain walls, high windows, 
and great gambrel roof symbolizes the plain man- 
ners and large hearts of its worshippers. Beneath 
the even turf within the graveyard wall these pio- 
neers now lie, protected from the summer's heat by 
spruce and cedar. The heirs of their blood and 
brain are building the gi»eat west, while strange 
hands trim the sod, and children with unfamiliar 
names play among the ancient head stones.^ After 
the Galbraiths and their friends had moved west- 
ward or had become less dominant in their influence 
other men of the same race came into prominence, 
the Semples, Andersons, Lowreys, Pedans, Porters, 
and Whitehills. 

^A picture of the church may be seen in Gail Hamilton's Biog- 
raphy of James G. Blaine, 1895, and "both the Church and Gal- 
braith's "ordinary" in the Scotch Irish Society, 8th Congress, pp. 
80, 336. 


Donegal was only one of four townships along tlie 
east bank of the Susquehanna, all of them Scotch 
Irish settlements, which extended south and north 
of the present city of Harrisburg. Perhaps the 
most interesting of these is Derry since its ancient 
meeting house brings to the present generation a 
flavor of those pioneer times. Built on the ^^ bar- 
rens of Derry'' as early as 1729, its walls were of 
hewn oak logs, two feet thick, covered by rough 
hemlock boards, and sheathed within with yellow 
pine and cherry. The nails and fastenings were 


Meeting House at Deery, Pennsylvania 

primitive examples of hammer and anvil ; the thirty 
eight panes of glass over the pulpit were set in 
pewter, and the communion service was of the same 
metal — mugs and platters sent over from London 
by sympathizing dissenters in 1733. 

The pulpit was small and crescent shaped, with 


narrow steps leading np from tlie east side. Along 
the wall were stout pegs on whicli to sling the mnsk- 
ets of the male worshippers. Close by the meeting 
house was the session-house with the pastor's study, 
and a few rods away within. a neat wall about God's 
acre slept the dead.^ 

Derry, early known as Spring Creek, received its 
first settlers about 1720. As the Scotch Irish be- 
gan to increase in numbers a Presbyterian minister 
was needed, and in 1726 the Eev. James Anderson of 
Donegal gave one fifth of his time to Derry, and an- 
other fifth to Pa:^tang. 

One of the founders of the church was James Gal- 
braith whose father James had crossed the ocean, 
some say, as early as 1718. The younger James had 
fallen in love with Elizabeth Bertram, the daughter 
of a clergyman from Bangor, County Down, who 
came to the church at Derry. Elizabeth's mother, 
Elizabeth Gillespie, tradition claimed, had a fine 
estate in Edinburgh. James settled on Swatara 
Creek, next to the farm of three hundred and fifty 
acres which the Derry people had deeded to their 
minister upon his arrival. Here a prosperous farm 
and grist-mill brought food and clothing for James 's 
growing family and for his aged father, who came to 
dwell under his roof. 

Another settler, David McNair, came over from 

^W. H. Egle's History of Pennsylvania, 1883, p. 644. Also his 
address at tlie cliurcli October 2, 1884. 


Donaglimore, County Donegal, tlie ancestral town of 
the Rev. William Homes of Martha's Vineyard. 
David's nephew became governor of Missouri. In 
the Derry grave y-ard lie the Boyds, Campbells, 
Chamberses, Clarks, Harrises, Hayses, Logans, Mar- 
tins, Mitchells, Moodeys, McCords, Roans, Rodgers, 
Snoddeys, Thompsons, Wilsons and Wallaces. 

In Hanover township were William Crain, John 
Barnett, William Allen and others. At Paxtang 
were John Wiggins, John Gray, Robert Elder, John 
Forster, Matthew Cowden, Hugh McCormick and 
Thomas Rutherford. The last mentioned emigrant 
left a record of his birth and marriage in old 

Across the river in Allen township lived the fam- 
ilies of Wilson, Wallace, Parker and Linn, as well 
as Andrew Gregg who is said to have had a brother 
David amid the ungracious rocks of New Hampshire, 
another brother Samuel in Massachusetts, and a 
brother John in South Carolina. A study of the 
marriages in the various families given in Dr. Egle 's 
Scotch Irish genealogies, will yield names of many 
neighbors along the banks of the Susquehanna. 

North of Philadelphia the Presbyterians, chiefly 
Dutch settlers with a few Welshmen, had worshipped 
at Neshaminy Creek, Bensalem, and other near-by 
towns since 1710. The Neshaminy records are of 
especial interest in 1722 when persons from '*Eer- 


lanf (Ireland) were recorded as admitted by certi- 

These persons were : 

William Pickins and his wife (Margaret?) 

George Davis and his wife 

Hugh White and his wife 

Andrew Eeed and his wife 

John Anderson and his wife 

Moses White and his wife 

Humphrey Eyre and his wife 

Israel Pickins 

Matte Gillespie 

Joanna Bell (or Jane who married George 

Thomas Foster, his wife, daughter Margaret 

and the rest of his children; also his wife's 

brother, George Logan ^ 

Neshaminy became famous in the annals of the 
Presbyterian Church as the site of the Log College 
in which the Rev. William Tennent trained young 
men for the ministry.^ Tennent had married in Ire 
land a daughter of the Rev. Gilbert Kennedy, a fine 
type of the sturdy old Scotch Irish clergy, a man 
whose tomb still remains to record his ancient blood 
and virile inheritances. Tennent 's four sons, brought 

^Journal Presbyterian Historical Society, Vol. 1, p. 111. 
*IUd, p. 345. 


to America great zeal and mucli needed high stand- 
ards of ministerial culture. 

In looking over the map of Pennsylvania we find 
that these townships, Donegal, Paxtang, Derry and 
Hanover (near the Susquehanna), and Drumore, 
Colerain, Fallowfield and Sadshury (along Octorara 
Creek, which marks the western line of Chester 
County after 1729), together with the Brandywine 
farms a little north of Wilmington, the Neshaminy 
lands north of Philadelphia, and Allen township, ten 
miles west of Easton, comprise the earliest settle- 
ments of the Scotch Irish in Pennsylvania. The 
settlers who first occupied these fertile lands entered 
America at the ports of Philadelphia and New- 

At Philadelphia the Eev. Jedediah Andrews had 
begun about 1701 to preach in the ^'Barbadoes 
store." His followers were Presbyterians, and to 
his church came the strangers of that faith. From 
Philadelphia the immigrants spread out over the 
county of Lancaster.^ From Newcastle as another 
center they pushed along the Christiana to its con- 

* I. D. Rupp's Lancaster County, 1S44, p. 185. For a list of land-^ 
holders before 1735 in the present County of Lancaster, which com- 
prised that part of old Chester County settled largely by Scotch 
Irish, see Rupp, p. 233. The list includes the Craigheads, Cook- 
sons, McCawleys, Storys, Greens, Blacks, Steels, Montgomerys, 
McCardys, Templemans, McConnels, McNealys, McClellands, Sher- 
rards, Stinsons, McKimms, Dyers, Lambs, Bishops, McPhersons, 


tributing sources, White Clay Creek and Red Clay 

Along the banks of these creeks, and down the 
Brandywine and the Elk, the Rev. George Gillespie, 
a Scotch preacher, had ridden from house to house 
on his lonely circuit as early as 1713, when he was 
stationed at the church at the head of the Christi- 
ana.^ Scotch and English chiefly composed the con- 
gregations until between 1718 and 1720, although the 
presence of ministers from Ireland would seem to 
suggest an occasional layman also from Irish soil.^ 
On White Clay Creek were the Steels, Gardeners and 
Whites, of early importance, although their church 
of that name was not founded until 1721. 

The purchasers of land for the joint church at 

Robinsons, Murrays, Bensons, Blyths, Allisons, McClenns, Shen- 
non, McClures, Hugheses, Duflaelds, Crawfords, Dennys, Scotts, 
Pennocks, Blackshaws, Buchanans, Gilmores, Musgroves, Hig- 
genbothems, Livingtons, Painters, Saunderses, Stileses, Watsons, 
Webbs, Irwins, Palmers, Owens, Pendalls, Thornburys, Mar- 
shalls, Jacksons, Beesons, Nessleys, Herseys, Astons, Steers, Mc- 
Nabbs, Smiths, Lindseys, Longs, Kings, Moores, F^illertons, 
Francises, McKanes, Douglases, Darbys, Knowleses, McClan- 
aghans, Burtons, Gales, Cowens and others. 

A few of these families were doubtless Quakers. 

^Mackey's White Clay Creek, p. 4; G. E, Jones's Lower Bran- 
dywine Church, 1876, p. 9. 

» The Rev. Robart Cross of Newcastle, 1719, and Jamaica, Long 
Island, 1723, was born near Ballykelly, Ireland. 


Lower Brandywine in 1720^ were John Kirkpatrick, 
James Houston, James Mole, William Smith, Mag- 
nus Simonson, Ananias Higgins, John Heath and 
Patrick Scott. The surnames of the members of the 
Upper Octorara Church^ before the middle of the 
eighteenth century were : 

Alison, Blelock, Boggs, Boyd, Boyle, Clingan, 
Cochran, Cowan, Dickey, Filson, Fleming, Gardner, 
Glendenning, Hamill, Henderson, Heslep, Hope, 
Kerr, Kyle, Liggett, Lockhart, Luckey, McAllister, 
McNeil, McPherson, Mitchell, Moody, Park, Rich- 
mond, Robb, Rowan, Sandford, Scott, Sharpe, Sloan, 
Smith, Stewart, Summeril, Wiley, Wilkin, and Wil- 

The Rev. Samuel Young, a successor of Gillespie 
in this field, came to the Elk River in 1718, having 
preached at Magherally in County Down for four- 
teen years. He had been ordained by Armagh Pres- 
bytery in 1703. 

The following extracts from a very long letter 
written by Robert Parke, an Irish Quaker of the 
original Chester county, Pennsylvania, to his sister 
in Ireland, describe life in the colony in 1725. Mr. 
Parke makes it evident that there was no disap- 
pointment upon their arrival in America, when he 

^ Jones, p. 12. 

= Futhey's Upper Octorara Church, p. 151. The church was or- 
ganized in 1720. The first minister, the Rev, Adam Boyd, Craig- 
head's son-in-law, was ordained in 1724, 


writes : ^ * There is not one of tlie family but what 
likes the country very well and wod If we were in 
Ireland again come here Directly it being the best 
country for working folk & Tradesmen of any in the 
world. . . My father bought a Tract of Land 
consisting of five hundred Acres for which he gave 
350 pounds, it is Excellent good land but none 
cleared, Except about 20 Acres, with a small log 
house & Orchard Planted." A little later he con- 
trasts the farmer ^s labor in Pennsylvania with his 
work in Ireland: ^'We plowed up our Sumer^s fal- 
lows in May & June, with a Yoak of Oxen & 2 
horses & they goe with as much Ease as Double 
the number in Ireland. . . Dear Sister I de- 
sire thee may tell my old friend Samuel Thornton 
that he could give so much credit to my words & 
find no Iffs nor ands in my Letter that in Plain 
terms he could not do better than to Come here, for 
both his & his wife's trade are Very good here, The 
best way for him to do is to pay what money he Can 
Conveniently Spare at that side & engage himself to 
Pay the rest at this Side & when he Comes here if he 
Can get no friend to lay down the money for him, 
when it Comes to the worst, he may hire out 2 or 3 
Children. . . I wod have him Procure 3 or 4 
Lusty Servants & Agree to pay their passage at this 
Side he might sell 2 & pay the others passage with 
the money. ' ' Parke closes his letter with a touch of 
brotherly gallantry : 


^*I wod not have thee think much at my Irregular 
way of writing by reason I write as it offer 'd to me, 
for they that write to you should have more wits than 
I can Pretend to/'^ 

*A. C. Myers's Immigration of the Irish Quakers, 1902, p. 70. 



AFTER 1718 

Settlements which were so far to the south that 
they were constantly menaced by the Spaniards and 
their Indian allies grew slowly. At Port Royal and 
Charleston the Scotch, both free men and deported 
prisoners taken in battle, were very early in resi- 

About the year 1685 an Independent, or as some 
called it, a Presbyterian church was organized, and 
it had a prosperous history for half a century. The 
career of its chief minister, the Rev. Archibald 
Stobo, has already been referred to. His successor, 
the Rev. "William Livingston, from the North of Ire- 
land, preached from 1704 to 1720, when he died.^ 

In 1731 or 1732 about a dozen members of this 
first church, including James Abercrombie, John 
Allen, Daniel Crowford,^ John Bee,^ John Eraser,^ 
G-eorge Ducatf or Ducat,^ and James Paine or 
Payne,^ withdrew and formed a new organization. 

^His descendants bear the names of Tunno and Stewart. 
Charleston Year Book for 1882, p. 381. 

^ Assigned pews in the old church in 1732, and thus were not as 
yet known as seceders. Eraser and Ducat were members in 1724. 


worshipping in a small wooden building, with the 
Rev. Hugh Stewart for their minister. These fam- 
ilies were alarmed by an evident trend in the senti- 
ment of the majority toward Congregationalism, and 
since they adhered loyally to the Westminster Con- 
fession they wished to be free to maintain a minister 
of their own faith. 

Some of the founders of this seceding or Scotch 
Presbyterian church in Charleston in 1732 were 
probably Scotch Irish. The statement that John 
Witherspoon's daughter, who had died immediately 
after his arrival from Ireland, was the first person 
buried in the new church field implies that there were 
religious and perhaps racial ties which governed this 
choice of a spot ; although in the older church there 
continued members bearing Scottish names. 

In 1717 the town of Beaufort on the Island of Port 
Royal was laid out. To the west of this town were 
lands lying along the northern bank of the Savannah 
River; they had recently been left uninhabited by 
the retreat of the Yamassee Indians after their re- 
bellion and defeat. These lands the Assembly 
opened up to Protestants in 1719, increasing the 
usual allotment of fifty acres to two hundred acres 
for each settler. It is said by Rivers, the historian, 
with how much authority is not known, that several 
hundred emigrants from Ireland were to take pos- 
session of these and other lands the same year ;^ but 

* Howe's Presbyterian Church in South Carolina, p. 177. 


tlie grants were soon after annulled by the Colonial 
Proprietors, the territory was surveyed, and from it 
fifteen baronies were erected. 

Mr. A. S. Salley, Jr., secretary of the Historical 
Commission of South Carolina, writes that Mr. Elv- 
ers^ *^did not mean (for that would not have been 
true) that these Irishmen settled in a body on the 
Yamassee lands or expected to do so. They would 
have taken their grants anywhere in the province, 
just as hundreds of other settlers from England, 
Scotland, and Ireland had been doing. It is even 
doubtful if these Irishmen came in a body, or dis- 
persed in a body.'' Many of them, if many there 
were, died of fever or privation, and the others were 
forced to look elsewhere for homes. At this time 
civilization in South Carolina did not extend beyond 
the Port Eoyal neighborhood at the south, and to the 
north it was limited to the territory between the San- 
tee and the Edisto rivers. Some probably wandered 
into Charleston, where they remained until a strong 
Scotch Irish colony took possession of the township 
of Williamsburg. 

This colony arrived in 1732 or the year following, 
the Council having granted the petition of James 
Pringle and other Irish Protestants that their pas- 
sage be paid. A township twenty miles square, 
along the Black Eiver, was laid out for them, and 

See pp. 293-294 of his South Carolina. 


was given the name Williamsburg.^ To this colony 
came John Witherspoon, James McClelland, William 
Sym, David Allan, William Wilson, Robert Wilson, 
James Bradley, William Frierson, John James, Wil- 
liam Hamilton, Archibald Hamilton, Roger Gordon, 
John Porter, John Lemon, David Pressley, William 
Pressley, Archibald McRae, James Armstrong, the 
Erwins, Plowdens, Dickeys, Blakelys, Dobbinses, 
Stnarts and McDonalds.^ 

In August, 1736, a church was organized and the 
Rev. Robert Heron of Ireland became the first min- 
ister. Prom the church at Williamsburg sprang 
that at Indian Town, with Major John James and 
William, Robert and David Wilson among its found- 
ers; also that at Salem, founded by Samuel and 
James Bradley. At Mount Zion Church were Roger 
and James Wilson, with Captain William Erwin; 
at Jeffries Creek were John and Gavin Wither- 
spoon; and John and Hugh Erwin joined the Hope- 
well Church which others directly from Ireland had 
founded. The Plowden, Nelson and Gamble fam- 
ilies were identified with the earliest days of the 
Church at Brewington.^ 

The Scotch Irish at Williamsburg, or perhaps 
later companies of immigrants, did not all fare pros- 
perously, and in 1738 Charleston was forced to pro 

^McCrady's South Carolina under the Royal Government, p. 132; 
also, Scotch Irish Society, 1st Congress, p. 202. 
^ Wallace's History of Williamsburg Church, 1856, pp. 18, 36. 
» Wallace's History of Williamsburg Church, pp. 35, 36. 






•I— I 


S2; ^ 

















vide for poor Protestants from Ireland who 
swarmed the streets, begging from door to door.^ 

John Wither spoon came from County Down in 
1734, with his children David, John, Robert and 
Sarah. Robert has left ns an account of his early 
experiences, typical of the pioneer hardships of 
those who settled in South Carolina.^ After lying 
becalmed in Belfast Lough for two weeks the ship 
with Robertas grandmother very ill on board, got un- 
der way on the 28th of September, 1734. It soon 
encountered rough weather and the aged lady died. 
Her interment in a roaring storm made a deep im- 
pression upon the boy. About the first of December 
the ship reached Charleston with a crew exhausted 
by almost incessant toil at the pumps. There the 
child Sarah died and was buried in the new Scotch 
graveyard. The settlers were kindly received by 
families that had come over in earlier years, but 
were soon sent up the river in an open boat to ^'Po- 
tatoe Ferry,'' where the women and children were 
put ashore to find what protection they could in a 
barn-like hovel. Meanwhile the men with their tools 
and baggage pushed up stream, and then went for- 
ward through flooded woods and meadows to find a 

^ Hewit's Historical Account of South Carolina, Vol. 2, pp. 316, 
324; in Carroll's Historical Collection. 

^ Witherspoon was not harassed by local Irish port oflEicers as 
were many in 1736 when the Government had become alarmed by 
the magnitude of the migration. See Pennsylvania Magazine of 
History, Vol. 21, p. 485. 


suitable spot for their houses. They had no timbers, 
and^they soon discovered that boughs of trees cov- 
ered with sods were but a poor protection against 
the fierce winter storms. Soon however a fire 
blazed upon the rude hearth, the smoke dried the 
branches overhead, and with one of Queen Anne's 
great muskets loaded with swan-shot close at hand, 
even the night in. an endless waste of forest and 
marsh lost some of its terror. Although they had 
to wait long for their spring planting they were 
given time to become acclimated before the warm 
and sultry weather set in. They thus escaped the 
sickness which carried off great numbers of the 
early settlers in South Carolina.^ 

The great tide of migration, however, did not all 
come through the port of Charleston. Many of the 
Scotch Irish of the Carolinas came from Ireland 
to Pennsylvania, and then went through Virginia 
and North Carolina to the Waxhaws in South Caro- 
lina.- Of this stock was John C. Calhoun, and — 
somewhat later — Andrew Jackson. Mr. McCrady, 
the historian of South Carolina, in a note on this 
migration, says that from the Waxhaws the Scotch 
Irish crossed the Catawba and spread over the coun- 
ties of Lancaster, York, Chester and Fairfield. 
Prominent among them were the Adairs, Allisons, 
Brattons, Adrians, Blacks, Boggs, Broones, Buchan- 

^Hanna's Scotch Irish, Vol. 2, p. 26. 
= McCrady, p. 624. 


ans, Boyces, Bryces, Crawfords, Crocketts, Carrols, 
Carsons, Chamberses, Dunlops, Douglasses, Erwins, 
Flemings, Irwins, Hancocks, Kirklands, Laceys, 
Lathams, Loves, Lyles, Masseys, McCaws, McDan- 
iels, McCans, Millses, McKenzies, Mclllhennys, 
McMullans, McLnres, McMorrises, Martins, Neelys, 



t orh noyo.^ -Cn^ancf 

Wylies, Wither spoons, Rosses, and Youngs.^ In 
Union County, as it now is, were the Brandons, 
Bogans, Jollys, Kennedys, McQnnkins [McQnak- 

^McCrady's South Carolina, 1719-1776, p. 317. 


ins?], Youngs, Cnnningliams, Savages, Hughs, 
Vances, and Wilsons/ 

The McCrerys (or McCrearys), Greens, Hannahs, 
Ahernathys, Millers, Beards, Wellses, Coffees, Gis- 
hams. Bartons, Youngs, McClures, Adamses, and 
the McDaids settled in Newberry between the Broad 
and the Saluda.^ After them came the Caldwells, 
Thompsons, Youngs, Fairs, Carmichaels, Himters, 
McClellans, Greggs, Wilsons, Conners, Neals, Cam- 
erons, Flemings, McCallas, Montgomerys, Sloans, 
Spencers, Wrights, Glenns, Chalmerses, McCrack- 
enses, and Glasgows. 

At Nazareth Church in Spartanburg were the 
Andersons, Millers, Barrys, Moores, Collinses, 
Thompsons, Vernons, Pearsons; Jamisons, Dodds, 
Eays, Pennys, McMahons, Nicols, Nesbitts, and Pa- 
tons.^ In the bounds of Abbeville and Edgefield 
were the Meriwethers, Wardlaws, Moors, Browns, 
McAlasters, Logans and Calhouns/ 

These many surnames survive everywhere along 
the rivers and in the mountain settlements. 

By the middle of the eighteenth century the Scotch 
Irish, through industry and intelligence even more 
than by force of numbers, had come to have a con- 

* Southern Presbyterian Review, Vol. 14, p. 482. Quoted by 

^Mills's Statistics of South Carolina, p. 639. O'Neall's Annals 
of Newberry, pp. 47, 49. 
^ Southern Presbyterian Review, Vol. 14, No. 3, p. 483. 

* Logan's History of Upper South Carolina, p. 25. 


trolling voice in the management of much of the 
southern country. And this voice was heard a gen- 
eration later when a rider brought into the Caro- 
linas a paper which had told the people of New 
York, of Philadelphia and of farms along the shores 
of Chesapeake Bay that New England farmers had 
dared to fire upon British troops at Lexingtoiii. 



In this attempt to give some impression of the 
Scotch in Ireland and in America, so much emphasis 
has been placed upon documentary history that race 
characteristics have played only a small part in the 
story. But these people of Coleraine on the Bann, 
of Strabane and Londonderry, came into the rural 
settlements of the New World with so distinct a 
personality, with customs and habits so marked, that 
they left an enduring impress. Since the days of 
the battle of Dunbar (1650), or for nearly a cen- 
tury, the Scotchman had lived in the Atlantic col- 
onies. How did his influence differ from that of his 
Scotch cousin of Ulster who came to America in 
17181 Did the life in Ulster really effect a change? 
Certainly orators and writers have from time to 
time made this claim. 

The lowland Scotch and their borderland English 
neighbors left heather-clad mountains and grazing 
flocks to cross the narrow waters of the North Chan- 
nel into Antrim and Down. They abandoned pas- 
toral land for flax fields and bleach-greens, surren- 
dering an isolated existence to live close together 
upon small farms. Speaking of Aghadowey Miss 
















































Mary Semple of Larne writes ; * ^ The whole region 
is quite level, with a gentle slope to the river. The 
southern end of the village joins Kilrea, and 
throughout its length can be traced houses built by 
its first Scotch settlers. These are in clusters and 
are termed 'clackens/ Gaelic for village. The peo- 
ple are a strong-looking race, the men tall and well 
formed, the women rather above medium height. 
They are principally farmers, but many work on the 
bleach-greens, while others spend their lives in weav- 
ing on looms which stand in their own homes. ''^ 

New scenes must have quickened the mental proc- 
esses of the transplanted Scot, and the greater com- 
munity life enlarged the social instinct. The Epis- 
copalians, all-powerful in gove'rnment, and the 
Roman Catholics, strong in numbers, pressed in 
upon every side, and forced the Presbyterians to an 
exercise of their loyalty and patience, while the 
spirit of proselyting which existed everywhere in 
Ulster sharpened their wits. Under a century of 
these social and religious influences the Scotch char- 
acter must have changed. 

**It was," said Mr. Morison in his life of Jere- 
miah Smith, *Hhe sternness of the Scotch cov- 
enanter, softened by a century's residence abroad 
amid persecution and trial, wedded there to the 
pathos and comic humor of the Irish. ' '^ And Presi- 

^ Blair Family of New England, 1900, p. 21. 
*Page 8. 


dent McKinley, another scion of the same stock, said 
of the Scotch Irishman, *^He was the result of a 
slow fusion of diverse characteristics.''^ Time and 
trial had given to the Scot in Ireland memories, 
both of bloody Claverhouse in Scotland and of Tyr- 
connel in Ireland, that became a part of his fibre. 
The illiterate mother in the hills of Kentucky today 
passes on her burden of tradition when she exclaims 
to her unruly son: * ^Behave yourself, or Clavers 
will get you!" To her Clavers is but a bogey; to 
her ancestors Graham of Claverhouse was a very 
real cause for terror ^ If that is an inheritance 
from the days of religious warfare what shall we say 
of Gabriel Barr and Rachel Wilson, lovers for forty 
years, who would not or could not marry because 
there were two warring Presbyterian churches in 
Londonderry and neither lover would abandon an 
allegiance of faith for the ties of affection?^ 

The Rev. Dr. Macintosh in his charming essay on 
'^The making of the Ulsterman'' calls the trans- 
planted Scot more versatile and more fertile in re- 
source, less clannish and less pugnacious, or in other 
terms a man of wider vision. His beliefs were con- 
sistent and well defined. Against the Puritan's 
town meeting the Scotch Irishman placed the legis- 
lature; for the congregation he substituted the as- 

^ Proceedings Scotch Irish Society, 5th Congress, p. 19. 
^ The Berea Quarterly, October, 1908, p. 9. 
« Willey's Nutfield, p. 91. 


sembly; instead of laying stress upon personality, 
he emphasized partnership/ 

Since the denial of the franchise to non-conform- 
ists in Ireland threw the Scotch Irish back npon 
their chnrch assemblies for exercise in government 
they were perhaps the more eager for participation 
in affairs of state when they reached America. Ac- 
customed to close reasoning in debate the Scotch 
Irish leaders from Maine to Georgia accepted po- 
litical responsibility promptly and successfully. 

Oppression commercially, politically and re- 
ligiously in Ireland prepared those who emigrated 
to the colonies to enter the civic school of Patrick 
Henry and Samuel Adams. Nor were they impre- 
pared for the inevitable result. Whatever of mili- 
tary science the Scotch Irish did not learn at the 
siege of Londonderry they acquired in the French 
and Indian wars in the New World. Their rugged 
life fitted them to endure camp and march ; and their 
inborn hostility toward England led them to forge 
to the front in the early weeks of the year 1775 when 
many good men of the old English race wavered in 
the face of war with Great Britain. 

The Scotch Irish have never claimed that they 
brought literature or art to these shores. They 
knew little of the former and nothing of aesthetics. 
Diaries and letters of the migration period do not 
exist and perhaps never did exist. Let us speak 

Proceedings Scotcli Irish Society, 26. Congress, p. 102. 


frankly. Every race brings to our western civiliza- 
tion a gift of its own. These people from Ulster 
cared very little for the beautiful, with the single 
exception of the wonderful and beautiful Bible 
story. Even the New Testament they handled as 
a laborer might touch a Sevres vase — reverently 

Ruins of a Chubch in Kileea 
County Londonderry 

but rudely. The Kev. Matthew Clark of Kilrea, a 
veteran of the Londonderry siege and a popular 
minister at the American Londonderry, was a type 
of the patriot soldier, rough, sturdy, independent. 
Preaching from Philippians iv. 13 he began with the 
words: ^^ ^I can do all things.' Ay, can ye, Paul? 
I'll bet a dollar o' that!" whereupon he drew a 
Spanish dollar from his pocket and placed it beside 


his Bible on the pulpit. Then, with a look of sur- 
prise he continued : * ' Stop ! let 's see what else Paul 
says: *I can do all things through Christ, which 
strengtheneth me. ' Ay, sae can I, Paul ; I draw my 
bet ! ' ' and he returned the dollar to his pocket. We 
may wonder that such preaching fostered the sim- 
ple trust and abiding faith evident in the dying 
words of Mrs. Morison of Londonderry. When 
asked what she would have more, she replied: 
^^ISTothing but Christ."^ 

The Scotch Irish could not see that the severe 
lines of a cabin are softened by a sumac against 
the south wall or a creeper at the corner. They did 
not trim the edge of the roadway that led to the front 
door. In short, utility required nothing of these 
things and utility was their law. For the same rea- 
son, if the soles of their feet were tough they saw 
small need of shoes in summer. Their bare feet, 
however, gave something of a shock to century-old 
New England. 

This rude development of taste was based possibly 
upon a primitive state of education. Although 
many served as local school-masters, it is evident 
that few even of the scant number who attained a 
college education ever learned to write well or to 
spell correctly their English language.^ William 
Smith of Moneymore, Ireland, was a bright lad in 

^Morison's Smith, p. 11. 
^lUd, p. 19. 


Ms use of the pen, and his school-master wrote in his 
copy book : 

William Smith of Moneymar 
Beats his master far and awar: 
I mean in writing 
Not inditing. 

William's son Judge Smith of Peterborough, New 
Hampshire, after copying these and other lines upon 
birch bark became so proficient that he was em- 
ployed to write letters, basing commissions from 
young lovers upon the burning phrases in the Song 
of Solomon.^ 

The earliest emigrants knew Gaelic, and some may 
even have had no other language until they settled 
among English and Dutch colonists in America. I 
have found no direct mention of Graelic in New Eng- 
land, but Eupp the Pennsylvania historian speaks 
of the disappearance of the language before his 
day.^ The authorities in Georgia in 1735 applied to 
the Society in Scotland for Propagating Christian 
Knowledge for a minister to preach in Gaelic and to 
catechise the children in English. . John Macleod of 
the Isle of Sky was sent out in response to this re- 
quest.^ Gaelic lingered among the old Scotch' emi- 
grants very much as Presbyterianism in New Eng- 

* Morison's Smith, pp. 2, 12, 

*Rupp's History Counties of Berks and Lebanon, 1844, p. 115. 

" Journal Presbyterian Historical Society, Vol. 1, p. 206. 


land remained with tlie aged after their children and 
grandchildren had turned to Congregationalism. 

In the industrial field the Scotch Irish at the out- 
set contributed to New England's economic life; 
they taught their new neighbors the value of the 
'^ Irish" potato as a common article of food, and to 
make fine linen out of flax. The potato which now 
is a large part of the annual crop of every Northern 
farmer was rare in the colonies before 1718.^ 

The spinning industry soon became so popular 
that a public school of spinning was proposed in 
Boston^ in 1720, and the following year the select- 
men, together with a special committee, were em- 
powered to let out without interest three hundred 
pounds to any one who should establish a school for 
instruction in spinning flax and weaving linen.^ In 
1732 the Hon. Daniel Oliver, who had been a member 
of the Committee in 1720, died, leaving the old Spin- 
ning House adjoining Barton's Ropewalk, with its 
'^Proffits and Incomes . . . for learning poor 
children of the Town of Boston to Read the word of 
God and to write if need be. ' '* 

In time, when they had grown accustomed to their 
new environment, the Scotch Irish did more than to 

* Parker's Londonderry, p. 49; Lewis and Newhall's Lynn, 1865, 
p. 312. 

''Drake's Boston, pp. 560, 591. 
'Town Records, March 1720-21. 

* Suffolk 'deeds, Vol. 31, p. 53. 


defend the frontier and fight the battles of the Eevo- 
lution, for they excelled also in letters and in art. 

It is evident that whether we view the Scotch 
Irish pioneers from the standpoint of education, or 
culture, or material success of the larger kind, they 
were in 1718 in their proper place when Cotton 
Mather consigned them to the frontier. The life 
there conformed to their standards, as measured by 
their opportunity at that time. Those who remained 
in Boston, Philadelphia, and Charleston were very 
generally tradesmen, and on account of the Ulster 
industries many naturally were tailors. But they 
were none the less virile, earnest and ambitious. A 
line of settlements extending from the Maine sea- 
coast westward through New Hampshire and south 
westerly through western Massachusetts into a part 
of New York, and thence through Pennsylvania and 
the Carolinas, might be expected to produce much 
when a second generation had come to manhood on 
American soil. And the roll of statesmen, preach- 
ers and soldiers proves that these Scotch Irish did 
possess latent power of a high order. 

All that has been said of the character of those 
who constituted the great migration to New Eng- 
land in 1718 applies equally to the brothers, cousins 
and neighbors in old Ireland who swarmed across 
the sea into the middle and southern colonies. For 
every one who landed at Boston a dozen set foot 
in Philadelphia and Charleston. In Massachusetts 


they were an incident in history ; at the South while 
they did not outnumber the natives they helped to 
make history. In 1790, following the Eevolution, 
the Scotch Irish in Maine still clung in greatest 
numbers about the Kennebec ; in New Hampshire on 
both sides of the Merrimack; and in Massachusetts 
they were to be found along the Merrimac, in the val- 
ley of the Connecticut and around the ancient settle- 
ments of Worcester and Eutland. In New York 
state they inhabited the banks of the Hudson near 
Albany. Pennsylvania still held a great Scotch 
Irish population, not only on the fertile shores of 
the Schuylkill and the Susquehanna, where they first 
found homes, but now all about the source rivers of 
the great Ohio. 

Farther south the Scotch Irish were very numer- 
ous in North Carolina, between the upper waters of 
the Great Pedee and the Catawba. Across the bor- 
der in South Carolina the Scotch Irish found homes 
along the Saluda, the Broad and the Catawba, in two 
districts which then bore names made famous in 
Eevolutionary history, Camden and Ninety six.^ 

It cannot but be evident that the great water 
courses were in those days as vital in their influence 
upon colonization as they were to be upon the com- 
merce which follows permanent settlements. 

In no state did the Scotch Irish population in 1790 

^ See W. S. Rossiter's A Century of Population Growth, Chap- 
ter XI. 


equal the English, averaging only 6.7 per cent, of the 
whole, but in every state except New York and Penn- 
sylvania it stands second. The Scotch Irish were 
largely responsible for phenomenal increases in the 
population of New Plampshire and North Carolina 
between 1720 and 1740. Massachusetts, Pennsyl- 
vania and Maryland already had a considerable pop- 
ulation and new settlers made less impression on 
the per cent, of increase.^ The Scotch Irish family 
averaging 5.67 members, fell short of the English 
family of 5.77, a fact not expected of the later 
comer^ ; but in energy, resource and endurance, in a 
desire to excel in arms and in political leadership 
the smaller family held its own. 

The statement that the Scotch Irish in 1790 
amounted to 6.7 per cent, of the entire population, 
although 7 per cent, would probably be nearer the 
truth, at least gives a vague basis for the compari- 
son of Scotch Irish ability with that of other strains. 
We may turn then with some curiosity to a group of 
figures prepared by Senator Henry Cabot Lodge for 
the Century Magazine of September, 1891, under the 
title ** Distribution of ability in the United States.*' 
These figures are founded on 14,243 biographies of 
Apiericans of more than average ability, as given in 
Appleton's Encyclopaedia of American Biography. 
The results were so much discussed in the press of 

^Rossiter, pp. 9, 10. 
nUd, pp. 274, 275. 


that winter that Senator Lodge printed similar ta- 
bles in the Century for July, 1892, based upon names 
selected in a different manner. The results were not 
unlike those first obtained. 

The Scotch Irish he describes as the descendants 
of the Scotch and English who settled in the North 
of Ireland, with an infusion of Irish blood in some 
few instances. 

Of the 14,243 influential people recorded, there 
were biographies of the 


No. and per cent, of all 

Per cent, of 
the popula- 
tion in 1790. 


10,376 or 72.8 per 



Scotch Irish 

1,439 or 10.1 '' 




659 or 4.6 '' 




589 or 4.2 '' 




1,180 or 8.2 '' 



"We find that the Germans, with a little less than, 
one haK as many biographies as the Scotch Irish, 
had more representatives in art, music and science ; 
but in education, government, law, the stage, inven- 
tion, exploration and war the Scotch Irish exceeded 
the Germans by more than three to one. As com- 
pared with the Huguenots the Scotch Irish were 
weaker in art and music, but were three times as 
strong in government, theology, exploration, inven- 
tion and the stage. In careers devoted to govern- 
ment, war and exploration, just as one is prepared to 
expect, the Scotch Irish exceed their natural propor- 


tion; in literature, art, science, business, philan- 
tliropy and music — careers ill suited to a pioneer 
life, they fall far short. 

Those who are represented in the work by por- 
traits, an indication of conspicuous ability, number 
1,258. Of these, the men of Scotch Irish extraction 
number 137, or 10.9 per cent.; the English 897, or 
71.3 per cent. If this increase from 10.1 (non por- 
trait class) to 10.9 per cent, (portrait class) means 
anything it suggests that among English and Scotch 
Irish men of ability the Scotch Irish more often pro- 
duce men of the first rank. 

New England may well be proud of General John 
Stark and General Henry Knox of the Revolution, 
and of General George B. McClellan of the Civil 
War; of Matthew Thornton, the signer of the Dec- 
laration of Independence; of Horace Greeley, the 
editor; of Asa Gray the botanist; and of John 
Lothrop Motley the historian, all scions of the early 
Scotch Irish migration. 

Further south were other great figures in our 
national life — Governor Edward Rutledge, Vice 
President Calhoun, President Jackson, and also Wil- 
liam McKinley, whose ancestors lived at Conagher's 
Farm in County Antrim, only a few hours walk from 
the homes of our Bann Valley settlers. We should 
like to believe that McKinley stands as a type of the 
best Scotch Irish manhood, simple in his habits, gen- 
tle in his demeanor, strong in control of himself and 
a peace maker among his fellows. 















f— ( 










Dr. Macintosh has said: '^The plantation of the 
Scot into Ulster kept for the world the essential and 
the best features of the lowlander. Bnt the vast 
change gave birth to and -trained a somewhat new 
and distinct man, soon to be needed for a great task 
which only the Ulsterman could do ; and that work — 
which none save God, the guide, foresaw — was with 
Puritan to work the revolution that gave humanity 
this republic' 


* Proceedings Scotch Irish Society, 2d Congress, p. 91. 

The Aghadowey Riveb 



Ships from Ireland Arriving in New England 


Gray-Hound, sloop, Benjamin Elson, master, from Ireland; 
arrived April, at Boston (News-Letter, Apr. 19-26, 
1714) . 

Elizabeth & Kathrin, ship, William Robinson, master, 
from Ireland; arr. June, at Boston (N. L. May 31- 
'June 7, 1715). Sick put on shore at Spectacle Island 
(Province Laws 1714, chapter 45). 

Mary Anne, John Macarell, master, from Ireland; arr. 
August, at Boston (N. L. Aug. 2-9, 1714). Goods on 

sale at Steele and Bethune's ware house, Merchants 

York Merchant, ship, John Beach, master, from Cork; 
arr. September, at Boston (N. L. Sept. 13-20, 1714). 
Irish servants (N. L. Sept. 6-13, 1714). Outward 
bound (N. L. Oct. 11-18, 1714). 

Thomas & Jane, ship, William Wilson, master, from Lon- 
donderry; arr. Oct. at Boston (N. L. Oct 4r-ll, 1714). 
Outward bound for Holland (N. L. Oct. 18-25, 1714). 


Amity, snow, Nathaniel Breed, master, from Ireland; arr. 
June, at Boston (N. L. June 13-20, 1715). Out- 
ward bound for Great Britain (N. L. June 20-27^ 


[Name Not Given.] James Hamilton, master, from [not 
given] ; arr. [not given], at Boston. Cleared for Ire- 
land (N. L. Nov. 28-Dec. 5. 1715). 


Truth and Daylight, galley, Robert Campbell, master, 
from Cork; arr. May 21, at Boston (N. L. May 21-28, 
1716; Record Com. Rept. 29, p. 232). Names of pas- 
sengers given. Outward bound (N. L. May 28- June 

Mary Ann, ship, Robert Maccarell, master, from Dublin; 
arr. June 18, at Boston (N. L. June 18-25, 1716 ; Rec- 
ord Com. Rept. 29, p. 235). John Gallard and his 
waiting man. 

Globe, ship, Nicholas Oursell, master, from Ireland; arr. 
June 25, at Boston (N. L. June 25-June 2, 1716; 
Record Com. Rept. 29, p. 236). Names of passengers 
given. * ' Protestants. ' ' 


[Name Not Give^.] Montgomery, master, from 

Waterford; arr. [not given] at Piscataqua (N. L. 
July 2-9, 1716). 

[Name Not Given.] Master not given; from Ireland; arr. 
at Boston. Passengers ordered to Spectacle Island in 
June. (Province Laws 1716-17, chapter 52). 

Globe, ship, Alexander Dowglase, master, from Dublin; 
arr. Aug. at Boston (N. L. Aug. 12-19, 1717). Sun- 
dry servants to serve for four to nine years. Gover- 
nor Shute reported fourteen male servants from Dub- 


[Name Not Given.] Robert Montgomery, master, from Ire- 
land; arr. Sept. at Boston (N. L. Sept. 2-9, 1717). 

[Name Not Given.] Archibald MacPheaderies, master, 
• from Ireland ; arr. Sept. at Piscataqua (N. L. Sept. 23- 
30, 1717). 

Friends Goodwill, Edward Gooding, master, from Lame 
and Dublin; arr. Sept. at Boston ( N. L. Sept. 9-16, 
1717). Fifty two persons. Great hardships. See in 
chapter I a reference to Governor Shute's report of 
nine servants from Belfast. 


[Name Not Given.] Alexander Miller, master, Robert 
Homes, mate, from [not given] ; arr. [not given] at 
Boston. Cleared for Ireland (N. L. March 24^31, 
1718; Rev. W. Homes in his Diary says sailed April 

[Name Not Given.] Gibbs, master, from Dublin; arr. 

May 16, at Marblehead (N. L. May 12-19, 1718). 
Irish and Scotch servants. 

William and Maey, ship, James Montgomery, master, from 
Ireland; arr. July 25, at Boston (N. L. July 21-28, 
1718; also C. Mather). Cleared for Dublin (N. L. 
Aug. 25-Sept. 1, 1718). 

[Name Not Given.] John Wilson, master, from London- 
derry; arr. July 28 ? at Boston (N. L. July 28-Aug. 
4, 1718; also Lechmere). Boys, young women and 

Robert, brigantine, James Ferguson, master, from Glas- 
gow and Belfast; arr. Aug. 4, at Boston (N. L. Aug. 


4^11, 1718; also Lechmere). Cleared (N. L. Aug. 18- 
25, 1718). 

William, ship, Archibald Hunter, master, from Coleraine; 
arr. Aug. 4, at Boston (N. L. Aug. 4r-ll, 1718; also 
Lechmere). Outward bound for Ireland (N. L. Sept. 
15-22, 1718). 

Mary Anne, ship, Andrew Watt, master, from Dublin ; arr. 
August, at Boston (N. L. Aug. 4-11, 1718). Servants. 
Cleared for Great Britain (N. L. Aug. 18-25, 1718). 

Dolphin, pink, John Mackay, master, from Dublin; arr. 
Sept. 1, at fioston (N. L. Sept. 1-8, 1718; also Lech- 
mere). 20 odd families. Servants, boys, tradesmen, 

Maccallum, ship, James Law, master, from Londonderry; 
arr. Sept. 6 ? at Boston (N. L. Sept. 1-8, 1718 ; also 
C. Mather). Intended for New London. Went to 
the Kennebec. Cleared for Londonderry (N. L. Dec. 
1-8, 1718). 

[Name Not Given. Maccallum ? ] Master not given. 
From Ireland; arr. Sept. at Casco Bay (N, L. Sept. 
22-29, 1718). Passengers and a minister. 

Beginning, sloop, John Rogers, master, from Waterford; 
arr. Oct. at Boston (N. L. Oct. 27-Nov. 3, 1718). 

Eeturn, schooner ?, Joseph Newall, master, from Glas- 
gow; arr. Oct. at Boston (N. L. Nov. 17-24, 1718). 

Mary and Elizabeth, Alexander Miller, master, Robert 
Remes [Homes], mate, from Londonderry; arr. Oct. 
at Boston (N. L. Oct. 20-27, 1718; also Rev. W. 
Homes 's Diary). Full of passengers. Cleared (N. I/. 
Pec. 8-15, 1718). 


Joseph and Mary, ship, Eben Allen, master, from [not 
given] ; arr. [not given] , at Boston. Outward bound 
for Ireland (N. L. Dec. 8-15, 1718). 

George, snow, Grashinham Salter, master, from [not 
given] ; arr. [not given], at Boston. Outward bound 
for Ireiand (N. L. Dee. 29, 1718-Jan. 5, 1719). 


Jane, ship, John MacMaster, master, from Glasgow and 
Belfast; arr. June 9, at Boston (N. L. June 8-15, 
1719 J Record Com. Rept. 13, p. 57). List of passen- 
gers warned, p. 57. 

[Name Not Given, Joseph ? ] Philip Bass, master, from 
Londonderry; arr. Aug. 21, at Kennebec River (N. 
L. Aug. 17-24, 1719). 200 passengers. 

Globe, ship, John Mackay, master, from Dublin ; arr. Aug. 
at Boston (N. L. Aug. 10-17, 1719). Sundry servants. 

Joseph, ship, Samuel Harris, master, from Ireland j arr. 
Sept. ?, at Boston (N. L. Aug. 31-Sept. 7, 1719). Six 
men and boys and one woman's time. 

Mary, schooner, Philip Rawlings, master, from Dublin ; arr. 
Sept., at Boston (N. L. Sept. 21-28, 1719). Six weeks 

Amsterdam, John Wakefield, master, from Ireland; arr. 
Oct., at Boston (N. L. Oct. 12-19, 1719). 

Elizabeth, ship, Robert Homes, master, from Ireland ; arr. 
Nov. 3 ?, at Hull and Boston. (Mass. Resolves, 1719, 
chapter 68.) About 150 passengers, some with small- 
pox. List of warnings (Record Com. Rept. 13, p. 63). 


[Name Not Given.] Dennis, master, from Ireland; 

arr. Nov., at Boston. List of persons warned. (Rec- 
ord Com. Rept. 13, p. 64). 

Mary aistd Abigail, Eben Allen, master, from [not given] ; 
arr. [not given], at Boston. Outward bound for Ire- 
land (N. L. Nov. 30-Dec. 7, 1719). 

Gray-Hound, ship, Thomas Arnold, master, from [not 
given] ; arr. [not given] , at Boston ? Outward bound 
for Ireland (N. L. Jan. 5-12, 1719-20). 


[Name Not Given.] William Jarvis, master, from [not 
given] ; arr. [not given], at Boston. Cleared for Ire- 
land (N, L. April 4-11, 1720). 

Amity, James Goodman, master, from Cork; arr. April, at 
Boston (N. L. April 2S-May 2, 1720). Outward 
bound (N. L. May 9-16, 1720). 

Joseph, Philip Bass, master, from [not given, Kennebec 
River ?] ; arr. [not given] , at Boston. Outward bound 
for Ireland (N. L. May 5-9, 1720). 

Margaret, Luke Stafford, master, from* Dublin; arr. Aug. 
4, at Marblehead (N. L. Aug. 1-8, 1720). Nine weeks 

[Na/me Not Given.] Benjamin ? Marston, master, from 
Ireland; arr. Aug., at Salem (N. L. Aug. 22-29, 1720). 
Taken by pirates. Had several passengers. 

[Name Not Given.] Nathaniel Jarvis, master, from Ire- 
land; arr. between Aug. 29 and Sept. 5, at Boston (N. 
L. Aug. 29-Sept. 5. 1720). See below. 


[Name Not Given.] Robert Homes, from Ireland; arr. 
Aug. 28, at Boston. (Rev. W. Homes 's Diary.) 
Homes may have been mate to Jarvis above. 

Return, Jos. Newell, master, from Dublin; arr. Sept., at 
Boston (N. L. Sept. 5-12, 1720). 

Mary, schooner, Philip Rawlings, master, from Dublin ; arr, 
Sept., at Boston (N. L. Sept. 21-28, 1720). 

Joseph^ Philip Bass, master, from Ireland; arr. Oct., at 
Boston (N. L. Oct. 17-24, 1720). 

Essex, brigantine, Robert Peat, master, from Ireland; arr. 
July ?, at Salem (N. L. Oct. 17-24, 1720). Held up 
by Capt. Thomas Roberts, a pirate. 

Prosperity, Josiah Carver, master, from Ireland; arr. Nov., 
at Boston (N. L. Nov. 21-28). 

Experiment, George Read, master, from Londonderry ; arr. 
Dec, at Boston (N. L. Dec. 5-12, 1720). Cleared for 
Ireland (N. L. Dec. 19-26, 1720). 


The Petition to Governor Shute in 1718 

The petition whidi now hangs in the rooms of the New 
Hampshire Historical Society at Concord can still be read, 
with the exception of a few names which have faded out 
since Mr. Parker, the historian of Londonderry, copied 
them in 1850. These are now given between brackets. The 
address occupies the top of the sheet, extending across its 
face. The words "To His Excellency the Eight Honourable* 

Colonel Samuel Suitte, Governour of New England *' 

do not fill an entire line, but are written large and are cen- 
tred. The rest of the address reads: **We whose names 
are underwritten Inhabitants of y® North of Ireland Doe in 
our own names and in the names of many others our neigh- 
bours. Gentlemen, Ministers, Farmers and [End of line] 
Tradesmen, Commissionate and appoint our trusty and well 
beloved Friend The Reverend M"" William Boyd of Mac- 
asky to repair to His Excellency the Right Honourable 
[End of line] Collonel Samuel Suitte Governour of New 
England, and to assure His Excellency of our sincere, and 
hearty Inclinations to Transport our selves to that very ex- 
cellent and [End of line] renowned Plantation upon our 
obtaining from his Excellency suitable incouragement. And 
further to act, and Doe in our names as his Prudence shall 
direct. Given under [End of line] our hands this 26th day 
of March Annoq Dom. 1718.'' 

Below this address are the autograph signatures, ar- 



ranged in eight columns of equal length. Where Mr. Par- 
ker's rendering of a name differs from my own I have given 
Parker's form below in italics. A question mark indicates 
that although we may agree, the form is still open to 
question. An asterisk marks names beginning with a small 
written b. In these cases I read "Black/' not ''Clark/' 
' ' Beverelle, " not ' ' Ceverelle, " and * ' Blaire, " not ' ' Claire. ' ' 
My study of the petition has been aided by holding a nega- 
tive photographic plate before a strong light. I am in- 
debted for this negative to the kindness of Miss Edith Shep- 
ard Freeman, Librarian of the New Hampshire Historical 

The names follow: 


James Alexander 
James Nesmith 
David Craig 
Neall McNeall 

Weall McNeall 
Thomas Orr 
William Caldwell 
?Jas Moore Jr 
?Wm. Slamon 

Sam Qunion. Perfectly 

distinct. Looks like Siem- 

ion. Possibly for William 

Matthew Love 

Robrt Knox 
Alexdr McGregore 
James Trotter 
Alexander McNeall 
Robert Roe 


Joseph Watson 
Robert Millar 
John Smeally 
Much faded. 
John Morieson 
James Walker 
Robert Walker 
Robert Walker 

Wilam X Calual 
Calwall. Difficult 
William Walker 

His mark 
Samuel X Young 

Alexander Richey 
James Morieson 

His mark 
Josheph X Beverlam 

His B mark 
Robert Crage 
John Thomson 
Thompson. Clear 



Hugli Tomson 
James Still 
James Hoog 
Thomas Hanson 
John Hanson 
Ritchard Etone 
James Etone 
Thomas Etone 
Samuell Hanson 
James Cochran 
James Hulton 
Thomas Hultone 

Haseltone. Or ffultone 
John Cochrane 
William Cochrane 


Samuel X Hunter 

[John Hunter] 

[Second column.] 

Thomas Hunter 

Daniel X McKerrel 

ffergos Kenedey 
Horgos (?) 
?John X Setone 
Suene (?) Well written, 

but elusive. 
Adam X Dickey 
His mark 

Alexander Kid 
Thomas Lorie 
Thomas Hines 


Will X Halkins 

Georg Anton 
John Colbreath 
♦William Baird 

John Gray 
?John Hostowne 

Woodman (?) Last four 

letters very clear. 
Andrew Wattson 
William Blair 
Joseph Blair 


Hugh X Blare 

William Blare 
Samuel Anton 
James Knox 
Robert Hendry 
John Knox 
William Hendry 
William Dunkan 
David Duncan 
John Muree 

James Gillmor 
Samuel Gillmor 
Alexander Chocran 
Edward M Kene 

John Morduck 

?Samuel X McMun 

?Molcam Calual 

Henry Calual 
Thomas McLaughlen 
Robert Hoog 
John Millar 
Hugh Calwell 
William Boyd 



ohn Stirling 
amuel Smith 
ohn Lamond 
Robert Lamond 
Lobert Knox 
^m Wilson 
l^m Paterson 

Third column.] 

tephen Murdoch 
Lobertt Murdoch 
ohn Murdoch 
Villiam Jennson 
ames Rodger 
ohn Buyers 
Robert Smith 
tdam Dean 
Landall Alexander 
'homas Boyd 
[ugh Rogers 
ohn Craig 
Vm Boyle 
tenj Boyle 
a. Kenedy 
I'G. Stirling 

A blot comes between the 

M. and the S. 
iamuel Ross 
ohn Ramsay 
ohn McKeen 
ames Willsone 
Robert McKeen 
ohn Boyd 
.ndrew Dunlap 
ames Ramsay 
ITilliam Park 
ohn Blair 
ames Thompson 
lawrence McLaughlen 

Will Campibell 
James Bankhead 
Andrew Patrick 
James McPee 
?James Tonson 

Or Temen? 
Gorg Anton 
James Anton 
George Kairy 
Thomas Freeland 


Peter Simpson 
Thomas M'Liaughlen 
Robert Boyd 
Andrew Agnew 
James King 
Thomas Elder 
Daniel Johnstone 
Robert Walker 
David Jonston 
James Steuart 
John Murray 
Thomas Blackwel 
Thomas Wilson 
John Ross 
William Johnston 
John King 
Andrew Curry 
?John Leech 

Parker omits. liOoks 

like Jueeh. 
?James Brighym 

Parker omits. 
Samuel Code 
♦James Blak 
Thomys Gro 
Thomys Anton 
James Gro 



*John Black 

Thomas Boyd 
Andrew McFaden 

Thomas McFaden 
David Hanson 
Richard Acton 
♦James Blaire 

Thomas Elder 
♦Jeremiah Blaire 

♦Jacob Black 

Abram Baverly 

[Fifth column.] 

Robert Johnston 
Thomas Black 
Peter Murray 
John Jameson 
John Cochran 
Samuell Gonston 
Thomas Shadey 
William Ker 
Thomas Moore 
Andrew Watson 
John Thonson 
James McKerrall 
Hugh Stockman 
Andrew Cochren 
♦James Barkley 

Laurence Tod 

?Sandrs Mear 
John Jackson 
James Curry 
James Elder 

James Acton 
?Gorg Gregory 

Parker omits. 
Samuel Smith 
Andrew Dodg 
James Forsaith 
Andrew Fleeming 
Gorge Thomson 
James Brouster 
Thomas Kengston 

Parker omits. 
James Baverlay 

[Sixth column.] 

James Smith 
James Smith 
Patrick Smith 
♦Sameuel Beverelle 

James Craig 
Samuel Wilson, M. A. 
Gawen Jirwin 
Robert Miller 
Thomas Wilson 
William Wilson 
James Brice 
Ninian Pattison 
James Thompson 
Jon Thompson 
Robt Thompson 
Adam Thompson 
Alexander Pattison 
Thomas Dunlop 
John Willson 
David Willson 
John Moor 
James McKeen 
John Lamont 
John Smith 



*atrick Orr 

Boniel Orr 

Villiam Orr 

ohn Orr 

earns Lenox 

ohn Leslie 

ohn Lason 

John Colvil 

lamuel Wat 

ames Crafort 

ames Henderson 

latheu Slarroh 

)avid Widborn 

mk Wat 

lobert Hendre 

Villiam Walas 

I'homas Walas 

Thomas Enoch 

Villiam Boyd 

Villiam Christy 

ohn Boyd 

Villiam Boyd 

lugh Ker 
The last nineteen are pos- 
sibly in one handwriting. 

Seventh column.] 

Llexr McBride, Phar. 
Bart. There never was a 
Baronet of this name. 

!am : McGivem 

ohn Murdoch 

reo Campbell 

ames Shorswood 

ohn McLaughlen 

reorg McLaughlen 

iaurence McLaughlen 

?John Hezlet 

George McAlester 
Thomas Ramadge 
James Campbell 
David Lindsay 
Robt Giveen 
James Laidlay 
Benjamen Gait 
Daniell Todd 
Robt Barr 
Hugh [Hollmes] 
Robt King 
John [Black] 
Thomas Ramsay 
James [Henry] 
Francis [Richie] 
James Gregg 
Robert Boyd 
Hugh Tarbel 
David Tarbel 

John X Robb 

?Peatter Fulltone 

Jeatter Fueltone. 

Possibly John 
Robt Wear 
[Alex'r Donnaldson] 
[Arch'd Duglass] 
[Robert Stiven] 
Robt [Henry] 
[James Pettey] 
David Bigger 
David [Patteson] 
?David Mitchell 

Parker omits. 
John Wight 



Joseph Wight 
Robt Willson 
James Ball 
? An drew Cord 

Or Coxe? 
James Nesmith 
Peter Christy 

[Eighth column.] 

Jas Teatte, V. D. M. 
Thoa Cobham, V. D. M. 
Robert Neilson, V. D. M. 

Will: Leech, V. D. M. 
Robert Higinbotham, V. D. M. 
John Porter, V. D. M. 
Hen: Neille, V. D. M. 
Tho. Elder, V. D. M. 
James Thomson, V. D. M. 
William Ker 
Will: McClben 

Willeam Jeameson 

Or Jennieson? 
Wm Agnew 

Jeremiah ThompsoL 
Jahon Andrson 
George Grege 
Andrew Dean 
Alexr Dunlop, M. A. 
Arch McCook, M. A. 
Alex'r Blair 
?Boulonget Cochran 

Parker says B. Cochran. 

Fairly clear, but elusive. 
William Gait 
Peter Thompson 
Richart McLaughlen 
?John Mccan 

♦John Black 
?John Thompson 
Samuel Boyd 
John Mitchell 
James Paterson 
Joseph Curry 
David Willson 
Patrick Anderson 
John Gray 
James Greg 


Andrew McFadden's Transplanting from Garvagh in 
THE County of Derry to Merrymeeting Bay in 1718 

Copied by Mr. John H. Edmonds from Supreme Court Files, Suffolk 
County, Massachusetts, Vol. 895, p. 71) 

Jane Macfadden of Georgetown about 82 Tears of Age 
testify eth and Saith that She with her late husband An- 
irew Macfadden lived in the Town of Garvo iq the County 
)f Derry on the ban Water in Ireland belonging to one 
Esq^ Fullinton being a pleasant place and call'd Summer- 
jett and about Forty Six Tears ago my Husband and I 
'emoved from Ireland to Boston and from Boston we moved 
iown to Kennebeck-River and up the River to Merry- 
Meeting Bay and set down on a point of Land laying be- 
:ween Cathance River and Abagadussett River and oppo- 
site and a litte to the Northward of Brick Island So call'd 
md Said point was then caird by every Body Cathance 
point at that day and by no other Name, and As my hus- 
Dand was aclearing away the Trees to Merry-Meeting Bay 
16 Said it was a very pleasant place and he thought it was 
Like a place call'd Summersett on the ban Water in Ireland 
5vhere they lived and that he would give it the Name of 
Summersett after that in Ireland which he did and it hath 
yone by the Name of Summersett ever Since, which is now 
ibout Forty five Tears ago and at that time there was No 
Settlement on Kennebeck-River above Arowswick Island 
jxcepting Our family and two more that she knew of and 


there is a large Fish in Kennebeck-Eiver call'd Sturgeon 
which Jumps plentifully in the Summer time from the 
Mouth of the River Kennebeck where it empty's it Self into 
the Sea Near Sequin Island clear up to Teconnett at Fort 
Hallifax where I have often been and there is a Number 
of Yessells which Yearly come to catch these Sort of Fish 
called Sturgeons and the general place where the Vessells 
lay is at the head of Arowswick Island about Twelve Miles 
from the Sea, and Some Vessells lay at Merry-Meeting Bay 
to catch the Said Fish and the general place for catching 
Said Sturgeon Fish was in Long Reach and Merry-Meet- 
ing Bay there being the greatest plenty as I always un- 
derstood and the Vessels that generally come for those 
Sturgion fish were Small Schooners and the Deponant 
further Saith that the Plymouth or Kennebeck Proprietors 
have made large Settlements .on Kennebeck river and are 
still making them Continually — 


Jane X Mcpadden 


Pounalborough June 19 '}^ 1766 — 


(A) Members of the Charitable Irish Society in 


Edward Allen, 1737 ; Edward Alderchurch, 1737 ; Joseph 
Austin, 1739 ; Robert Auchmuty, Esq., 1740 ; David Allen, 
1740; Adam Boyd, 1737; Thomas Bennett, 1737; Michael 
Bourns, 1738 ; Samuel Black, 1738 ; George Boulton, 1738 ; 
Philip Breaden, 1739; John Beath, 1739; James Clark, 
1737; John Clark, 1737; Alexander Caldwell, 1738; An- 
drew Canworthy, 1739; Thomas Cumerford, 1741; Robert 
Duncan, 1737; William Drummond, 1737; James Down- 
ing, 1737; George Draper, 1737; Samuel Douse, 1738; 
William Dunning, 1739; Peter Dillon, 1739; Henry Dun- 
worth, 1739 ; Walter Dougherty, 1739 ; Hugh Dorus, 1739 ; 
James Dalton, 1740 ; William Davis, 1740 ; Michael Derby, 
1740; James Egart, 1737; William Edgar, 1739; William 
Freeland, 1737; William French, 1739; George Ferguson, 
1739; Patrick Fitzgibbon, 1739; Owen Fergus, 1739; 
John: Farrel, 1740 ; Daniel Gibbs, 1737 ; George Glen, 1737 ; 
James Gardner, 1737; Michael Geoghegan, 1737; John 
Griffin, 1738; Joseph Gilmore, 1739; John Gradon, 1739; 
Robert Glen, 1741; William Hall, 1737, President; John 
Hoog, 1738; John Hutchinson, 1739; Andrew Holmes, 
1739; John Harper, 1739; Frederick Hamilton, 1740; 
James Hughes, 1740; WiUiam Holmes, 1740; Andrew 
Knox, 1737; David Kennedy, 1737; Adam Knox, 1737; 
John Little, 1737; Joseph Lewis, 1738; Thomas Lawler, 


1739 ; Daniel McFf all, 1737 ; James Mayes, 1737 ; Samuel 
Moore, 1737 ; Philip Mortimer, 1737 ; Patrick Motley, 1737 ; 
Thomas Molony, 1737 ; David Moore, 1738 ; John MacMur- 
phy, 1738; Adam McNeil, 1738; James McCriUis, 1738; 
Thomas McDaniel, 1738; James McFaden, 1738; Lodowic 
McGowing, 1739 ; Michael Malcolm, 1739 ; John McCleary, 
1739 ; John Moony, 1739 ; Rev. John Moorehead, 1739, here 
in 1727 ; Hugh McDaniel, 1737 ; David Miller, 1739 ; Sam- 
uel MiUer, 1740; James McHord, 1740; Rev. William 
McClennehan, 1741; Archibald McNeil, 1743; William 
Moore, 1743; Neill Mclntire, 1743, President; John Noble, 
1737; Daniel Neal, 1737; James Nelson, 1738; Arthur 
Noble, 1740 ; Isaac Orr, 1737 ; Peter Pelham, 1737 ; John 
Poyntz, 1737 ; John Powers, 1739 ; William Patton, 1739 ; 
John Quig, 1738; Francis Richey, 1737, Vice-President; 
Kennedy Ryan, 1739; Joseph St. Lawrence, 1737; Wil- 
liam Stewart, 1737; Samuel Sloane, 1738; Robert Sloane, 
1738; William Sherrard, 1739; James Stet, 1739; Isaac 
Savage, 1739; David Stanley, 1741; Archibald Thomas, 
1737; Patrick Tracy, 1737; William Toler, 1738; James 
Tabb, 1739; Robert Temple, Esq., 1740; John Thompson, 
1740; John Tanner, 1741; Nathaniel Walsh, 1737; Patrick 
Walker, 1737 ; John Whitley, 1738 ; Peter Williams, 1738. 

(B) Names op Fathers on the Presbyterian Baptismal 
Records in Boston, 1730-1736 

Robert Patton, Andrew Simson, Daniel Gamble, Robert 
Knox, Samuel Millar, Samuel Sloan, Patrick Gamble, John 
Little, John McGurdy, William Hogg, James Moor, John 
Watts, James Grozier, Robert Rutherford, Robert Morton, 


Samuel Smith, John Tom, Robert Kirkland, Alexander 
Wilson, John Young, Robert Hodge, William Shirlow, 
Elizabeth Hutchinson, William Patterson, Patrick Walker, 
Robert Wilson, William Gamble, Francis Lee, James Max- 
well, William Chessnutt, Jeramiah Smith, James MaClure, 
John Harper, David MaClure, James Tatt, James MacQuis- 
tion, Robert Speer, Allen Whippie, David MaClare, Roan- 
ald Stewart, John Smith, Henry Hodge, Rev. Mr. Moor- 
head, George Sinclair, Robert Knox, Thomas Mitchel, Rob- 
ert Hodgen, John Gwinn, Andrew Knox, Andrew Nichols, 
Robert Dixon, Ephraim Kile, John MacDugall, John Pharr, 
Hugh Mickleravie, Robert Ross, Samuel MaClure, Abra- 
ham Aul, Charles MaClure, Marnaduck Black, John Quigg, 
William Bryant, William Cammeron, John Walker, Wil- 
liam Hays, James Hart, William Micklevain, Edward Al- 
len, Patrick White, John MaClure, Alexander Orr, James 
Mayes, Richard MaClure, William MaClinto, Duncan 
MaClane, Patrick Chambers, John Lough, Samuel Smith, 
John Fulton, John Karr, John Turk, Benjamin Frizwell, 
Robert Montgomery, Ezekiel McNichols, William Mickle- 
roy, David Tweed, James Davidson, Henry Hodge, Sam- 
uel Kamachan, John Davis, John MacKachan, Daniel 
McNeal, John Watts, John Dicky, Robert Hill, William 
Lindsay, James Perry, Robert Speer, Robert Cunningham, 
John Jonston, Robert Bums, Henry Kelly, Robert Wilie, 
James Robinson, James MaCalan, Andrew Menford, Wal- 
ter Topham, Alexander Watts, James Willis, David 
White, George Sinclair, Gawin Hemphill, James Baird, 
Michael Burns, James Tate, Archbald Tomb, James Hart, 
John Moor, James Gaudy, William Freeland, John Clerk, 
William Williamson, Robert Scott, William Dame, John 


Lockhead, John MacKisick, Alexander Cumings, Robert 
Work, John Kerr, Samuel Gibson, Simon Eliot, Archibald 
Thomson, Thomas Harkness, William Harmon, William 
Moor, Thomas Brown, Gilbert Hides, George Hogg, Rob- 
ert Dunlop, John Britton, James Cowan, Thomas Lawry, 
Thomas Boggle, James Carlile, Alexander MaClery, Hngh 
Gregg, John Kennedy, John Alison, Humphrey Caldbreath, 
James Long, John Bell, Robert Cuthbertson. 


Vital Records of Towns in Ulster, Begun Before 1755 

Birth, marriage and death records in Ulster at the time 
of the Protestant migration to America are very meagre. 
Those which relate to members of the Established Church 
rarely reach back to this period except in the large towns 
and cities, and facts concerning members of dissenting 
chapels are still less common. It must be said, however, 
that many dissenters were married and buried by the 
Episcopal rector or curate, to satisfy the law. .For this 
reason, and because members of Presbyterian families not 
infrequently ** conformed'^ in order to hold public office, 
the following list of vital records will be of service. It is 
from the Appendix to the 28th report of the Deputy Keeper 
of the Public Records in Ireland. An asterisk means that 
the records are in local custody. Italics indicate that the 
records are in the Public Record Office in Dublin. 



Town and Connty. 






♦Antrim, Antrim 

* Ardkeen, Down 

Ardstraw, Tyrone 

*Bailieborough or 

Moybolgue, Cavan . . 

Ballyphilip, Down 

Belfast : 
* St. Anne, Shankill 

Oappagh, Tyrone 

♦Oarrickfergns, Antrim. 

Clondehorky, Donegal . . . 

Clonfeaclef Tyrone 

Clonleigh, Donegal 



*Derry Cathedral 


*Derryaghey, Antrim . . . 
♦Donaghendry, Tyrone. 

*Down, Down 

♦Drnmachose, Derry .... 

*Dumglass, Tyrone 

*Dnimholm, Donegal. . . 
*Ematris, Monaghan . . . 

Enniskillen, Fermanagh 

*Glenavy, Antrim 

*Killeshandra, Cavan. . . 
*Kjllyman, Tyrone 

Kilmore, Cavan 

*Lisbiirn, Antrim 

Lissan. Derry 

*Longhgall, Armagh . . . 

♦Magherafelt, Derry 

*Magheralin, Down . . . . 

Mullaghbrack, Armagh . 

Newtownards, Down. . 
*Saintfield, Down 

*Seagoe, Down 

♦Shankill, Down 

Tamlaghtard, Derry. . . 




















1600- ? 








































































Home Towns of Ulster Families, 1691-1718 

Since the ministers of dissenting congregations had little 
ir no legal standing during the earliest years of the 
iinigration to New England their records of births, mar- 
riages and death do not appear to have been preserved, 
jxcept in isolated cases. But the records of presbytery 
ind synod were kept with great care, and the latter have 
)een printed to the year 1820. They give the name of the 
•uling elder in each congregation for the year of the gen- 
eral synod, and often the names of commissioners sent to 
he synod to represent local interests. Names of witnesses 
n cases which came before the synod also help to establish 
he home towns of Presbyterian families. Names of Ulster 
;owns are usually given here as they are spelled in the rec- 
>rds. A complete list of Irish townlands was printed at 
Dublin in 1861 under the title * ' Census of Ireland. Index 
townlands and Towns, Parishes and Baronies.'' The 
neeting houses stood in the towns here given, but some 
)arishioners lived in adjoining towns. The site of the 
neeting house and the bounds of each church's influence 
^rere subjects for contention at the meetings of presbytery 
md synod. 

R. E. means Ruling Elder. 

C. stands for Commissioner. 

W. stands for Witness and P. means Petitioner. 

The Cathedral records of Londonderry have been copied 



from the supplement to Mr. Morrison's History of Wind- 
ham. A few references to families may be found in the 
Journal of the Association for the Preservation of the 
Memorials of the Dead in Ireland. Additional information 
might have been gathered from the Ulster Journal of 


AcHEsoN, George, R E 1711 
AcHiNVOLE, Samuel, R E 1716 
Adair, Alexander, C1708 
Robert, C 1709 
Thomas, R E 1711 
William, R E 1698 
Aqnew, Alexander, R E 1706 
Andrew, R E 1717 
James, R E 1707 
John, R E 1708, 15, 18 
Mr William, C 1714 
Aiken, William, 1709 

Donegal, Donegal 
Ballycarry, Antrim 
Belfast, Antrim 
Drogheda, Louth 
Sligo, Sligp 
Ballymena, Antrim 
Loughbrickland, Down 
Belfast, Antrim 
Ballymoney, Antrim 
Finvoy, Antrim 
Minterburn, Tyrone 
Bally cogly, Derry? 

Aitken, James, R E 1707, 11, 15 Ballinderry, Antrim 
Allen, Hector, R E 1706, 10, 12 Stonebridge, Monaghan 

James, R E 1697 Randalstown, Antrim 

John, R E 1694, 1704, 11, 12, 

John, R E 1704 
John, R E 1718 
Patrick, C 1691, 1701 
Robert, C 1718 
Thomas, R E 1713 
William, R E 1706 
Allison, John, RE 1712 

Cairncastle, Antrim 
Ballykelly, Derry 
Randalstown, Antrim 
Dunagor (Donegore, Antrim?) 
Garvachy, Down 
Corboy and Tully, West Meath 
Garvagh, Derry 
Donaghmore, Down 

Thomas, bapt. 1663 

Anderson, Archibald, R E 1717 Fannet, Donegal 
Isaac, m. 1727 Margaret 

Cochran Londonderry 

James, R E 1710, 15 Dunean, Antrim 

Samuel, R E 1710 Ballymena, Antrim 



DREWS, Robert, C 1708 
Mr Robert, R E 1712 
Thomas, R E 1705 
William, C 1708, 11 

BUCKLE, James, R E 1703, 13, 

16, C 1708 
ESKiN, Robert, R E 1709, 17 
MouR, John, R E 1704 

John, R E 1711 
MSTRONG, Andrew, R E 1707 

George, C 1715 

John, C 1708 

John, R B 1708, 14 

John and Janet, 1681 

Joseph, bapt. 1711 

Robert, C 1692 

Robert, R E 1705 

Thomas, R E 1707 

Thomas, R E 1704 

William, R E 1711 

William, R E 1717 
CHESON, George, R E 1709 
rsTiN, James, C 1706 

Belfast, Antrim 
Belfast, Antrim 
Ramelton, Donegal 
•Glen and Drumbanagher, Ar- 

Belfast, Antrim 
Strabane, Tyrone 
Dromore, Down 
Maghera, Derry 
Castledawson, Derry 
Monaghan, Monaghan 
Belfast, Antrim 
Cavanaleck, Tyrone 
Maghera, Derry 
Castledawson, Derry 
Ballybay, Monaghan 
Clogher, Tyrone 
Connor, Antrim 
Braid, Antrim 
Donegal, Donegal 
Coleraine, Derry 


.GNOL, Mr Alexander, C 1718 
XLENTiNE, James, C 1708 

James, R E 1708, 9, 12, 16, 17 
LNKHEAD, Hugh, C 1691, 1706, 

R E 1698 
JBBER, Adam, R E 1706 

David, R E 1706, 9 

John, R E 1705 
lBnet, John, married 1681 

Katherine Gilpatrick 

John, 1709 


Newry?, Down 
Newry, Down 

Coleraine, Derry 
Markethill, Armagh 
Limavady, Derry 
Omagh, Tyrone 

Ballycogly, Wexford 



Babnet, Robert, R E 1697 

William, married 1665, 
Catherine Vance 
Baeb, Charles, of Raphoe, mar. 

1684, Janet Ramsey 
Batho, John, of Derry m. 1701 

Ann Patterson 
Bayi,y, Alexander, R E 1710 

, Mr., C 1717 

Bett, James, R E 1712, 18 

Richard, R E 1698 

Richard, RE 1694 

Thomas (Beatie), C 1712, 15 

Thomas, R E 1694 

William, C 1692 

William, R E 1714 

William (Beatie), R E 1717 
Begos, James, R E 1706, 9, 11, 14 
Bell, Alexander, R E 1711 

Francis, R B 1710, 12, 14 

Francis, C 1711, 14 

James, R E 1711 

Mr James, C 1717 

John, R E 1694 

John, R E 1698 

John, C 1708 

John, C 1708 

Thomas and Jean, 1683 

Thomas, 1709 

William, R E 1694, 1705 
Beery, Alexander, R E 1715 

Thomas, R E 1704 
Best, Thomas, R E 1706 
BiDDELL, John, R E 1703 
BiGOAE, Joseph, C 1708 
BiGOOM, Hugh, R E 1715 
BiLLSLAND, John, R E 1711, 18 
BiBNEY, Alexander, R E 1710 

Cammoney, Antrim 



Taughboyne, Donegal 

Bailee, Down 

Antrim, Antrim 

Anahilt, Down 

Anahilt, Down 

Hillsborough, Down 

Ballinderry, Antrim 

Upper Killead, Antrim 

Derriloran, Tyrone 

Ballynahinch, Down 

Comber, Down 

Ballycarry, Antrim 

Drum, Armagh 

Aughnacloy, Tyrone 

Aghaloo, Tyrone 

Comber, Down 

Antrim, Antrim 

Downpatrick, Down 

Ahoghill, Antrim 

Belfast, Antrim 

Ballyroney or Moneymore, Derry 


Tirkvillan, Derry? 

Carrickfergus, Antrim 

Saintfield, Down 

Gal way, Gal way 

Sligo, Sligo 

Monreagh, Donegal 

Belfast, Antrim 

Keady, Armagh 

Clough, Down 

Cavanaleck, Tyrone 



ACK, John, C 1708 

Mr Samuel, C 1714, 15 
ACKWOOD, John, R E 1706, 12, 

Robert, R E 1716 
AiB, Bryce, R E 1705, 8, 9, 15, 
C 1708 

James, R E 1703 
AKELEY, David, R E 1712 
LTON, James and Margaret, 

NES, John, R E 1712 
Y, Francis, R E 1698 
YD, Adam and Katreen, 1678 

Archibald, R E 1698 

David, C 1692 

Hugh, R B 1708, 11 

Hugh, C 1708 

James, R E 1704 

James, R E 1716 

John, R E 1704, 7, 10, 11, 
13, 14, 15 

John, P 1706 

John, R E 1706 

John, R E 1709 

Robert, R E 1703 

Robert and Joanna, 1688 

Samuel, R E 1716 

Thomas, C 1710 

Thomas and Jean, 1687 

William, married 1658 
Agnes Young 
YUE, Henry, R E 1709 

Thomas, R E 1713 
ADY, William, R B 1711 
ALTON, William, R E 1697 
A.TT0N, John, C 1692 
ENAN, Thomas, R E 1711, 15 

Belfast, Antrim 

Bangor, Down 
Carrickfergus, Antrim 

Belfast, Antrim 
Donegore, Antrim 
Holywood, Down 

Donegore, Antrim 
Burt, Donegal 
Dervock, Antrim 
Ballymoney, Antrim 
Dervock, Antrim 
Belfast, Antrim 
Dervock, Antrim 
Larne, Antrim 

Brigh, Tyrone 
Macosquin, Derry 
Cookstown, Tyrone 
Omagh, Tyrone 
Ballymena, Antrim 
Donaghmore, Down 
Ballyhalbert, Down 

Monreagh, Donegal 
Islandmagee, Antrim 
Ballyrashane, Antrim 
Burt, Donegal 
Taughboyne, Donegal 
Carrickfergus, Antrim 



Beisbin, James, R E 1703 
Bbodly, Mr., R E 1712 
Bboomfield, William, R E 1707 
Beown, Charles, R E 1713 

Francis, R E 1715 

George, R E 1692 

Hugh and Elizabeth, 1683 

Hugh, R E 1713 

Hugh, R E 1717 

James, R E 1703, 4, 15 

James, R E 1709 

James, R E 1694, 1710 

James, R E 1708 

John, C 1692 

John, R E 1704 

John, R E 1713 

John, R E 1714 

Mr John, P 1716 

Patrick, R E 1705 

William, R E 1706, 10 

William, R E 1708 

William, R E 1711 

William, R E 1711 

William, R E 1714 
Browster, James, R E 1708 
Bryce, Edward, Esq., C 1708, 18 
Bbyson, Archibald, R E 1718 

James, R E 1715 

James, R E 1705 

James, R E 1708 

John, R E 1703 

John, R E 1712 

Mr John, C 1717 

Thomas, R E 1704 

Thomas, R E 1707 
BuRNSiDE, John, R E 1697 
Buttle, David, C 1708 

Mr George, C 1718 
Btebs, John, R E 1717 

Cookstown, Tyrone 
Strabane, Tyrone 
Fintona, Tyron 
Braid, Antrim 
Glenarm, Antrim 
Drimiall, Antrim 
Downpatrick, Down 
Bangor, Down 
Braid, Antrim 
Ramelton, Donegal 
Connor, Antrim 
Donegal, Donegal 
Carrickfergus, Antrim 
Cookstown, Tyrone 
Limavady, Derry 
Killinchy, Down 
Dungannon, Tyrone 
Drum, Monaghan 
Moneymore, Derry 
Armagh, Armagh 
Aughnacloy, Tyrone 
Islandmagee, Antrim 
Armagh, Armagh 
Aghadowey, Derry 
Belfast, Antrim 
Stonebridge, Monaghan 
Connor, Antrim 
Antrim, Antrim 
Cookstown, Tyrone 
Moneymore, Derry 
Coagh, Tyrone 
Antrim, Antrim 
Randalstown, Antrim 
Lisburn, Antrim 
Clogher, Tyrone 
Belfast, Antrim 
Belfast, Antrim 
Clough, Down 




lDerwood, Hugh, R B 1709, 

17 Drum, Monaghan 

Mr Hugh, C 1718 Cootehill, Cavan 

lIRns, William, C 1691 Clogher, Tyrone 

.LDWELL, David and Jean, 1683 Londonderry 

Lame, Antrim 
Cairncastle, Antrim 
Ballindreat, Donegal 
Ballindreat, Donegal 
Kilraughts, Antrim 
Donaghmore, Down 

James, R E 1703 
John, R E 1692, 8 
John, R E 1709 
William, R E 1697 

XLY, John, R E 1703, 17 

.MOND, Archibald, C 1711 

.MPBELL, Alexander, R E 1694 Antrim, Antrim 
Archibald and Janet, 1683 Londonderry 
Cornelius, R E 1713 Ballyrashane, Antrim 

James, R E 1708 Bailee, Down 

John, R E 1703, 4, 5 Carnmoney, Antrim 

John, R E 1714 Magherally, Down 

John, R E 1697, 1707 Cairncastle, Antrim 

Jos., R E 1718 Killead, Antrim 

Matthew, R E 1697, 1706, 9 Dervock, Antrim 
Patrick, R E 1704, 12 Dublin 

Robert, R E 1714 Rathfriland, Down 

Robert, R E 1715 Ballyrashane, Antrim 

Thomas, R E 1705, 11, 13, 

Thomas, R E 1706 
William and Ann, 1683 

NNY, John, R E 1698 

EGrcx, David, R E 1694, 1707, 

Ballybay, Monaghan 
Aughnacloy, Tyrone 
Ballynahinch, Down 

JBLILE, William, C 1698 

William, R E 1710 
JRR, James, R E 1697 
ESON, Andrew, R E 1704 

John, R E 1705 

John, R E 1708 

Aghadowey, Derry 
Blarise, Down? 

(south of Lisburn) 
Newry, Down 
Minterburn, Tyrone 
Ardstraw, Tyrone 
Cairncastle, Antrim 
Ballyclare, Antrim 



Cabson, Robert, R E 1697 

Samuel, P 1718 
Case, William, R E 1717 
Chads, Henry, R E 1692, 8, 
1704, C 1708 

Henry, Jr., C 1708 
Chalmers, Alexander, RE 1703 
5, 15 

Alexander, C 1711 

David, R E 1697, 1709, 10 

John, C 1711 

John, R E 1705, 13, 18 

John, R E 1706, 11 

John, C 1708 

Robert, R E 1705, 7, 14, 15 
Chancellee, Robert, R E 1703 
Chartees, John, W 1704 

Robert, R E 1706 
Cherry, John, 1697 
Clandevin, James, buried 1675 
Clancy, William, R E 1708 
Clark, James, R E 1718 

John, R E 1694, 8, 1714, 16 

John, R E 1704, 7, 11, 17 

William, R E 1714 
Clugston, James, R E 1697, 
1704, 5 

John, R E 1694 
Cochran, Captain, C 1714 

John, R E 1703 

Robert, R E 1710 

Thomas, and Elizabeth, 
Coleman, David, R E 1707 
Coltheart, John, R E 1706 

Michael, R E 1703, 5 
CoMACK, Mr John, C 1715 
Conolly, James, C 1711 

Strabane, Tyrone 
Boveva, Derry 

Belfast, Antrim 
Belfast, Antrim 

TuUylish, Down 
Drumbanagher, Armagh 
Cookstown, Tyrone 
Donaghcloney, Down 
Bailee, Down 
Tullylish, Down 
Belfast, Antrim 
Dromore, Down 
Drumbo, Down 
Lisbum, Antrim 
Lisburn, Antrim 
Near Hillsborough, Down 
Castlereagh, Down 
Randalstown, Antrim 
Lisburn, Antrim 
Bailee, Down 
Glenarm, Antrim 

Clough, Down 
Clough or Drumca, Down 
Kinnaird, Tyrone 
Garvagh, Derry 
[Presbytery of Coleraine] 

Donegore, Antrim 
Carlingford, Louth 
Bally waiter, Down 
Moira, Down 
Drumbanagher, Armagh 



Corbet, Hugh, C 1713 

Craig, David, R E 1692 

Hugh, R E 1715 

John, C 1710 

John, R E 1717 

John, R E 1716 
Crafobd, "i Archibald, R E 
Crawford, j 1703, 10 

John, R E 1710 

Malcom, R E 1694, 98, 1704, 
13, 18 

Oliver, R E 1716 

Robert, R E 1704, 10, 12 

Thomas, merchant, 1701 

Thomas, R B 1707 

William, C 1694. 1708 

William, R E 1704 

William, R E 1709 
Crooks, John, R E 1712 
CuDBERT, John, R E 1713 

John, R E 1714 
CuDDiE, Alexander, R E 1707, 
9, 10 

James, C 1715 
CuLTON, James, R E 1711 
CuLVERSON, James, R E 1714 
Cummin, Alexander, R E 1703 

James, R E 1703 

John, C 1715 
CuNNiJiTGHAM, Alexander, mar- 
ried 1681 Mary Ran- 

Andrew and Mary, 1682 

John and Grizell, 1705 

John and Mary, 1684 

Capt. Michael, R E 1704 

Drummarah (near Dromore, 

Ballyclare, Antrim 
Macosquin, Derry 
Ballywalter, Down 
Caimcastle, Antrim 
Randalstown, Antrim 

Ballycarry, Antrim 
Donegore, Antrim 

Donegore, Antrim 
Donagheady, Tyrone 
Carrickfergus, Antrim 
Belfast, Antrim 
Belfast, Antrim 
Belfast, Antrim 
Omagh, Tyrone 
Brigh, Tyrone 
Dunmurry, Down 
Killinchy, Down 

Dungannon, Tyrone 
Moira, Down 
Minterburn, Tyrone 
Donaghmore, Down 

Loughbrickland, Down 
Kilraughts, Antrim 

Glendermot, Derry 



CuERT, David, R E 1708 
Hugh, R E 1714 
John, R E 1707 

Letterkenny, Donegal 
Ballymena, Antrim 
Comber, Down 


Darragh, James, R E 1707 
Davidson, John and Mary, 1705 

John, R E 1710 

Robert, R E 1706 

Robert, R E 1713 

Thomas, R E 1718 
Davis, Theoplihis, 1650 
Dawson, William, C 1692 
Daybuen, Archibald, R E 1706 
Dick, Quintin, C 1715 

William, R E 1706 
Dickson, Thomas, R E 1703 

William, R E 1715 
Dickey, Alexander, R E 1704 

John, R E 1694, 8, 1704, 
C 1701 
DiNGMOEE, Robert, C 1715 
DiNGWELL, John, C 1711 
DiNNiSTON, John, RE 1698 
Dixon, Hugh, R E 1710 
Dobbin, Hugh, R E 1716 
DoNELSON, Thomas, married 

1725 Martha Parke 
DoNNALDSON, John, R E 1704, 

8, 16 
Douglas, Henry, C 1692 

William, C 1712 
Drahame, George, R E 1707 
Drenan, Archibald, R E 1716 
Drennan, James, 1701 
DucHALL, Mr James, C 1718 
DuGAN, James, R E 1712 

William, R E 1718 

Ardstraw, Tyrone 
Benburb, Tyrone 
Braid, Antrim 
Rathfriland, Down 
Urney, Tyrone 
Carrickfergus, Antrim 
Strabane, Tyrone 
Ballymoney, Antrim 
Randalstown, Antrim 
Castlereagh, Down 
Downpatrick, Down 
Mourne, Down 

Clare, Armagh 
Ballymoney, Antrim 
Congreg'n of Galway 
Ballindreat, Donegal 
Killinchy, Down 
Bailieborough, Cavan 


Islandmagee, Antrim 
Lurgan, Armagh 
Narrow-Water, Down 
Newry, Down 
Moneymore, Derry 
Session of Carmony 
Antrim, Antrim 
Lurgan, Armagh 
Markethill, Armagh 



DuNBAB, Andrew and Mar- 
garet, 1695 
William, R E 1697 
William, R E 1704 

Duncan, Mr Anthony, C 1717 
William, R B 1710 

DuNLAP, Adam, R E 1718 

DUNLOP, Allen, C 1694 
James, R E 1694 
Moses, R E 1703, 12, 15 
Nathaniel, R E 1707, 8, 10 
Mr Samuel, P 1716 
William, R E 1692 
William, R E 1704 
William R E 1712 

Dunn, James, 1709 

Joseph, R E 1710, 13 
Jorias, R E 1717 
Peter, C 1698 

DuNWOODY, John, R E 1713 

Dyatt, Hugh, C 1708 

Dyke, James, C 1709 

EccLES, Hugh R E 1703, 16 

John, C 1708 
Edgae, John, R E 1698 

John, R E 1717 

John, R E 1716 
Edwaeds, George, R E 1713, 18 

James, R E 1707 

Thomas, Esq., R E 1717 
Egelsham, Thomas, R E 1717 
Eldar, Samuel, R E 1708 

Thomas, R E 1716 
Empill, James, R E 1697 
Ennis, Josias, R E 1715 
Espy, William, R E 1713 
EwAET, George, R E 1705, 7, 15 

Ramelton, Donegal 
Donaghmore, Donegal 
Antrim, Antrim 
Fintona, Tyrone 
Keady, Armagh 
Ballymoney, Antrim 
Ballywalter, Down 
Aghadowey, Antrim 
Keady, Armagh 
Athlone, Roscommon 
Upper Killead, Antrim 
Liimavady, Derry 
Keady, Armagh 

Randalstown, Antrim 
Randalstown, Antrim 
Down, Down 
Drumho, Down 
Belfast, Antrim 
Moneymore, Derry 


Killead, Antrim 
Belfast, Antrim 
Moira, Down 
Dunean, Antrim 
Dunmurry, Down 
Clare, Armagh 
Castlereagh, Down 
Castlederg, Tyrone 
Connor, Antrim 
Burt, Donegal 
Ballyrashane, Antrim 
Aghadowey, Derry 
Donegore, Antrim 
Cookstown, Tyrone 
Clare, Armagh 




Fairise, John, W 1704 
Fee, John, C 1715 
Fenton, William, R E 1705 
Ferguson, Andrew, 1709 

Gilbert, C 1715 

Richard, R E 1718 

Dr Victor, C 1708, R E 
1710, 17 
Ferne, Anthony, C 1708 
Ferns, Samuel, C 1710 

Mr William, C 1714 

William, R E 1716 
Ferron, William, R E 1704 
Ferry, Robert, R E 1706 

Samuel, R E 1715 
Ferrys, John, R E 1704 
Ferys, John, R E 1707 

John, R E 1712 

William, R E 1715 
Fettys, William, R E 1706 
FiNLAY, James, R E 1718 

William, R E 1698 
Finnie, Robert, R E 1711 
Fisher, James and Janet, 1661 

James, R E 1707 

John, R E 1698 

John, R B 1707, 11, 16, 
17, 18 
Fleck, Hugh, 1709 
Fleming, John, RE 1698 
Forbes, James, R E 1716 
Foster, John, R B 1694, 1704 
Francis, John, R E 1718 
Fraser, Mr James, R E 1717 
Frisell, Hugh, R E 1717 
P^iLTON, Peter, R B 1704 

William, R E 1704, 6, 9 

Dunmurry, Down 

Islandmagee, Antrim 
Drummullan, Derry? 
Moira, Down . 
Lurgan, Armagh 

Belfast, Antrim 
Summer-hill, Fermanagh ? 
Summer-hill, Fermanagh? 
Kinnaird, Tyrone 
Glennan, Monaghan 
Minterburn, Tyrone 
Islandmagee, Antrim 
Islandmagee, Antrim 
Dunmurry, Down 
Enniskillen, Fermanagh 
Killeshandra, Cavan 
Ballynahinch, Down 
Downpatick, Down 
Carrickfergus, Antrim 
Sligo, Sligo 
Ballindreat, Donegal 
Benburb, Tyrone 
Armagh, Armagh 

Benburb, Tyrone 
Achavan, Derry? 
Ballyclare, Antrim 
Bailee, Down 
Ahoghill, Antrim 
Bailieborough, Cavan 
Loughbrickland, Down 
Rathfriland, Down 
Macosquin, Derry 
Cardonagh, Donegal 



Ga, George, R E 1704, 12, 17 
GAiBREATH, Oapt. Robert, C 

Capt. Robert, R E 1706, 9 
Galland, Edward, R B 1706, 

7, 13, 16 
Galt, John, C 1691, 1709 

Mr John, R E 1712 
Gaeran, James, C 1691 
Gaevah, John, R E 1710 
Gawdee, James, R E 1714 
Gawdy, John, R B 1713 
Gelsob, Alexander, R E 1714 
Gemble, John, R B 1718 

Peter, C 1715 

Robert, R E 1714 
. Robert, R E 1718 
Gibson, James, R E 1705 
Gniis, Robert, R E 1718 
GiLMOEE, Mr John, C 1714, 15 

John, R E 1703 
GivAN, John, C 1715 

Robert, C 1716 
Glasgow, George, R E 1713 

James, R E 1698, 1703 

James, R E 1705 
Glen, John, R E 1711 
GoBDON, Alexander, R E 1708, 

John, R E 1706 

John, R E 1711 

John, R E 1705, 15 

Rodger, R E 1698 

Robert, R E 1705, 6 

Robert, R E 1710 

Samuel, R E 1705, 8, 15 
Gbacy, John, R B 1711 


Downpatrick, Down 

Summer-hill, Fermanagh? 
Killeshandra, Cavan 

Finvoy, Antrim 
Coleraine, Derry 
Coleraine, Derry 
Maghera, Derry 
Ballyrashane, Antrim 
Newtownards, Down 
Drumbo, Down 
Donaghmore, Down 
Ballykelly, Derry 
Ballymoney, Antrim 
Donegore, Antrim 
Clogher, Tyrone 
Islandmagee, Antrim 
Rathfriland, Down 
Kilraughts, Antrim 
Kilraughts, Antrim 
Keady, Armagh 
Randalstown, Antrim 
Dunean, Antrim 
Burt, Donegal 

Ballycarry, Antrim 
Larne, Antrim 
Braid, Antrim 
Maghera, Derry 
Braid, Antrim 
Castlereagh, Down 
Loughbrickland, Down 
Aughnacloy, Tyrone 
EnniskiUen, Fermanagh 



Geaham, John, C 1692 

John, R E 1703 

Richard, R E 1698, 1704, 7 
Granger, Gawin, R E 1716 

Thomas, R E 1706 
Gray, Alexander, of Taugh- 
boyne, married 1685, 
Alice Jamison 

Archibald, R E 1697 

Gilbert, R E 1710, 13 

John, C 1717 
Greddin, Alexander, R E 1698, 

Greg, John, C 1708 

Robert, R E 1705 

Thomas, R E 1711 
Grier, Hugh, C 1702 

John, R E 1709, 14, 16 

Timothy, C 1691 
Grerson, Robert, C 1718 
Griffith, John, R E 1697, 8 
GuTRY, William, R E 1710 

Maghera, Derry 
Glough, Antrim 
Cushendall, Antrim 
Dunmurry, Down 

Ahoghill, Antrim 
Magherally, Down 
Antrim, Antrim 

Corboy, West Meath 
Belfast, Antrim 
Enniskillen, Fermanagh 
Cavanaleck, Tyrone 
Brechy and Kells, Monaghau 
Markethill, Armagh 
Kinnaird, Tyrone 
Kinnaird, Tyrone 
Comber, Down 
Ballykelly, Derry 


Haliday, Samuel, R E 1716 
William, R E 1697, 8 

Haix, Gilbert, R E 1704, 7 
Mr Robert, C 1715 

Hamill, Neil, R E 1704, C 1715 

Hamilton, Andrew, R E 1708 
Archibald, C 1699 

Capt. Gawin, C :1691 
Henry, R E 1709 
Hugh, W 1704 
James, R E 1703 
James, R E 1714, C 1715 

Anahilt, Down 
Glenarm, Antrim 
Ballycarry, Antrim 
Ballinderry, Antrim 
Kilraughts, Antrim 
Ramelton, Donegal 
Killmakevet, Antrim 

(north of Glenavy) 
Tanoch-Neeve, Down 
Ray, Donegal 
Lisbum?, Antrim 
Dundonald, Down 
Holywood, Down 



Hamilton, John, C 1691 
John, R E 1710 
Mr John, C 1715 
Robert, R E 1694 

Robert, R E 1708 
Capt. Robert, C 1718 
William, 1709 

William, C 1710 
Handcock, Major Thomas, C 

Major . R E 1708, 11 

Hanna, Alexander, R E 1705 
Hannah, John, R E 1703, 11 
Hanyng, John, R E 1718 
Habeshaw, James, R E 1718 

John, R E 1711, 14 
Harper, John, C 1709 

Robert, R E 1713, 17 
Harvey, John, C 1710 
Hasleton, George, R E 1706, 15 
Hastie, John, R E 1715 
Hemphill, James, R E 1713 
Henderson, Archibald, R E 1715 

James, C 1715 

Henry, Alexander, R E 1703 

Daniel, C 1691 

Hugh, R E 1706 

Hugh, R E 1709 

James, R E 1706, 17 

James, R E 1712 

Mr James, C 1715 

John, R E 1704 

Samuel, C 1717 
Hebe, Nicholas, C 1715 
Hereon, Henry, C 1718 

Tanoch-Neeve, Down 

Limavady, Derry 

Holywood, Down 

Kirkdonnell (Same as Dundon- 

ald, Down) 
Drum, Monaghan 

(Ballydawley, Derry?) 
Killyleagh, Down 

Athlone, Roscommon 
Letterkenny, Donegal 
Loughbrickland, Down 
Dungannon, Tyrone 
Newry, Down 
Donaghmore, Down 
Loughbrickland, Down 
Coleraine, Derry 
Ahoghill, Antrim 
Ballymena, Antrim 
Ballycarry, Antrim 
Macosquin, Derry 
Convoy, Donegal 
Twenty-Quarter Lands (Near 

Newtown a rds, Down 
Maghera, Derry 
Aghadowey, Derry 
Bangor, Down 
Ballymoney, Antrim 
Castledawson, Tyrone 
Ballymoney, Antrim 
Dungannon, Tyrone 
Sea Patrick, Down 
Moira, Down 
Sea Patrick, Down 



Hereon, Hugh, R E 1706 
James, R E 1711 

James, R B 1710 

Samuel, W 1704, R E 1708 

Samuel, R E 1706 

Samuel, P 1716, C 1718 

William, R E 1710 
Heylyn, Dominick, W 1707, 10 
Hill, John, R E 1706 

John, R E 1705 

Joseph, R E 1718 

William, C 1694 
HiNES, William, married 1649 

Jane Morrison 
Hog, James, R E 1716, 18 

James, C 1708 

James, 1709 

John, C 1691 
Holland, John, R E 1704, 8, 15 

Stephen and Mary, 1703 
Holmes, James, R E 1711 

Robert, R E 1707, 12, 17 
Hood, or Hud, David, R E 1697, 

8, 1706, 8 
Hook, John, R E 1703, 6, 8, 10 
Hopes, John, R E 1698, 1707, 8 
HoPKiN, Robert, R E 1707, 12 
Hopkins, Samuel and Eliza- 
beth, 1696 
HoRNEE, John, married 1683 

Jean Morison 
HOESBEUGH, John, R E 1712 

John, R E 1712 
Houston, James, R E 1707, 10 

Thomas, R E 1714 

William, R E 1697 

William, C 1712 

Magherally, Down 
Newry, Down 
Vinecash, Armagh 
Lisburn, Antrim 
Bailee, Down 
Sea Patrick, Down 
Minterburn, Tyrone 
Macosquin, Derry 
Dunean, Antrim 
Braid, Antrim 
Dunean, Antrim 
Near Aghadowey, Derry 

Coagh, Tyrone 
Coagh, Tyrone 
Ballygurch, Derry? 
Derriloran, Tyrone 
Killyleagh, Down 
Clough, Antrim 
Islandmagee, Antrim 

Carrickfergus, Antrim 
Dromore, Down 
Ballywalter, Down 
Limavady, Derry 


Ballycarry, Antrim 
Omagh, Tyrone 
Maghera, Derry 
Ballyeaston, Antrim 
Clough, Antrim 
Ballymagra[an ?] Monaghan? 
(Part of Aghaloo) 



How, James, R E 1709 
HowAT, William, R E 1694 

William, R E 1703 
Hudson, James, R E 1694 
Hume, John, R E 1706 
HuNTEE, Andrew, C 1706, 9 
Andrew, R E 1703 
John and Elizabeth, 1683 
John, R E 1706, 8 
Thomas, R E 1703 
Thomas, R E 1703, 5 
Thomas, R E 1717 
HuTCHEN, Hugh, R E 1710 
HuTCHESON, James, R E 1718 
HuY, Robert, R B 1709 

Killinchy, Down 
Comber, Down 
Ballyclare, Antrim 
Ballyeaston, Antrim 
Coleraine, Derry 
Ardstraw, Tyrone 
Ballinderry, Antrim 
Minterburn, Tyrone 
Ballinderry, Antrim 
Killead, Antrim 
Ervey, Meath 
Carnmoney, Antrim 
Kilrea, Derry 

iNNis, Josias, R E 1706 
IBWIN, James, R E 1707 
Thomas, R B 1710 
William, C 1701 

Donegore, Antrim 
Killeshandra, Cavan 
Killyleagh, Down 
Ballynadrento (near 


Ja, George, R B 1716 
Jack, Andrew and Eleanor, 

Jackson, Gilbert, R E 1711, 18 

James, R E 1717 

Peter, C 1699 

Mr Thomas, C 1717. 
Jameson, John, R E 1709, 16 

Marmaduke, R E 1692 

Thomas, R E 1715 
Jam:ison, John, R B 1697 

Thomas, R E 1710 
Johnson, Duncan, C 1708 

Downpatrick, Down 

Newtownards, Down 
Larne, Antrim 
Antrim, Antrim 
Antrim, Antrim 
Donegore, Antrim 
Braid, Antrim 
Anahilt, Down 
Anahilt, Down 
Anahilt, Down 
Coagh, Tyrone 



Johnston, James, 1709 

James, R E 1703, 11, 12, 16 

James, C 1708 

James, R E 1716 

Jolm, R E 1697, 1704 

John, R E 1710 

John, R E 1716 

John, W 1708 

Mr Thomas, C 1714 

Thomas, C 1715 

William, R E 1692 

William, R E 1707 

Capt. William, C 1717 
Jones, Richard, R E 1713 

DrummuUen, Derry? 

Rathfriland, Down 
Ballyroney, Down 
Rathfriland, Down 
Strahane, Tyrone 
Drumbo, Down 
Belfast, Antrim 
Trewgh, Monaghan 
Ballinderry, Antrim 
Broadisland, Antrim 
Clough, Down 
Antrim, Antrim 
Glendermot, Derry 


Kell, James, R E 1718 
Kelso, Henry, W 1706 

John, R E 1717 
Kenkin, Richard, C 1708 
Kennedy, Alexander, R E 1709 

Arthur, Esq., C 1715 

Arthur, R E 1713 16 

David, R E 1698 

David, R E 1703 

David, R E 1712 

Horace, C 1710 

Hugh, R E 1711 

James, C 1691 

James, R E 1703, 6, 8, 12 

James, R E 1706 

James, R E 1709 

James, R E 1718 

Mr Jon., C 1715 

Joseph, R E 1718 

Thomas, R E 1717 

William, R E 1705 

William, R E 1709, 10 

Vinecash, Armagh 
Raphoe, Donegal 
Templepatrick, Antrim 
Coagh, Tyrone 
Holywood, Down 
Holywood, Down 
Clough, Down 
Killyleagh, Down 
Cushendall, Antrim 
Kilrea, Derry 
Clogher, Tyrone 
Donaghadee, Down 

Clogher, Tyrone 
Rathfriland, Down 
Holywood, Down 
Ballyroney, Down 
Ballynahinch, Down 
Belfast, Antrim 
Castledawson, Tyrone 



Kennedy, Mr William, C 1717 
Keys, Roger, R E 1713 
Ker, Hugh, R E 1705 

James, R E 1705 

James, R E 1709 

John, married 1683 Mary 

Moses, C 1698 

Robert, R E 1708, 10, 16 

William, R E 1712 
Kilgotje, James, R E 1707 
Kineab, Mr John, C 1717 
King, James, R E 1711 

Robert, R E 1698 

Robert, R E 1705 

William, R E 1718 
Kinkead, James and Mary, 

KiNLY, Daniel, W 1704, R E 

Kniven, William, R E 1697 
Knox, Alexander, R E 1705, 7, 12, 
Kyle, Jon., 1714 

Robert, C 1691 

William, married 1684 
Mary Gee 

Antrim, Antrim 
Ballindreat, Donegal 
Clogher, Tyrone 
M inter burn, Tyrone 
Donagheady, Tyrone 

Donaghcloney, Down 
Lame, Antrim 
Tullylish, Down 
Donagheady, Tyrone 
Antrim, Antrim 
Dunmurry, Down 
Ballyeaston, Antrim 
Randalstown, Antrim 
Fintona, Tyrone 


Lisburn, Antrim 
Glendermot, Derry 
Cookstown, Tyrone 
Belfast, Antrim 
Tanoch-Neeve, Dowii 


Ladley, Joseph, R E 1718 
Lamond, Andrew, R E 1711 
John, C 1715 
(See also Camond) 
Lapsley, John, R E 1709 
Laweence, James, R E 1716 
Lawbie, Andrew, R E 1714 
Lawby, John, R E 1708 

Brigh, Tyrone 
Donaghadee, Down 
Ballymoney, Antrim 

Glenarm, Antrim 
Maghera, Derry 
Bailee, Down 
Donagheady, Tyrone 



Lawson, Alexander, R E 1712, 
14, 16 

John, R E 1713 
Layon, Joseph, R E 1706 
Leaths, Randal, R E 1710 
Leman, James, C 1715 
Lennan, John, R E 1697 
Lennox, Mr Robert, C 1708, 9, 

Lenox, Mr John, C 1712 
Lernan, Matthew, C 1691 
Lessly, John, R E 1692 
Lester, George, R E 1698 
LiGAT, Alexander, R E 1711 

John, C 1691 

Jo., R E 1694 
Lindsey, Alexander, 1727 

Mr John, R E 1712, 15 

John, R E 1714 

John, R E 1714 
Linton, Robert, R E 1711, 14, 

Robert, C 1712 
LiSTON, John, R E 1714 
Litton, Christopher, R E 1705 
Livingston, William, R E 1697 
Logan, Hugh, R E 1716 

John, R E 1697 
LoGH, John, R E 1704 

John, R E 1709 
Loghbidge, John, RE 1705 
Lord, Mr John, C 1718 
LoRiMER, Andrew, R E 1712, 15 

James, R E 1704, 16 
Love, John, W 1704 

John, C 1715 

Robert, C 1692 
Lowse, Hugh, R E 1714 

Drum, Monaghan 
Coagh, Tyrone 
Ramelton, Donegal 
Islandmagee, Antrim 
Moira, Down 
Limavady, Derry 

Belfast, Antrim 
Maghera, &c., Derry 
Coleraine, Derry 
Newry, Down 
Glenarm, Antrim 
Coleraine, Derry 
Coleraine, Derry 
Monreagh, Donegal 
Cammoney, Antrim 
Cushendall, Antrim 

Carlingford, Louth 
Narrow-Water, Down 
Newry, Down 

Ballynahinch, Down 
Braid, Antrim 
Braid, Antrim 
Belfast, Antrim 
Templepatrick, Antrim 
Aghadowey, Derry 

Randalstown, Antrim 
Ballyclare, Antrim 
Coleraine?, Derry 
Ballymoney, Antrim 
Ballymoney, Antrim 
Templepatrick, Antrim 



Luke, John, R E 1705 
Lyle, James, R E 1712, 15 

Thomas, C 1708 
Lyn, John, R E 1708 
Lynd, Adam, R E 1713 

Bangor, Down 
Lame, Antrim 
Belfast, Antrim 
Ballykelly, Derry 
Cookstown, Tyrone 


McAlexander, Mr Daniel, C 

McAllister, Alexander and 

Ann, 1725 

McAlpin, James, C 1710 

McBeide, Andrew, R E 1694 

McCala, John, R E 1703 

Mr, R E 1714 
McCall, James, R E 1716 

John, R E 1706 C 1706 
McCane, Alexander, C 1709, 
R E 1715 

Robert, R E 1716 
McCartney, Alexander, R E 
* 1717 

George, C 1708 

Isaac, C 1708, 18, R E 
1709, 16 
McClane, John, R E 1718 
McClatchy, James, R E 1711 

James, C 1717 
McClellan, James, R E 1708 

James, C 1718 (June) 

John, R E 1706 

John. R E 1710 
McCuNSKY, William, R E 1708, 

McCluee, James, R E 1705, 12 

James, R E 1710 

James, C 1712 

Cootehill, Cavan 

Killyleagh, Down 
Rathfriland, Down 
Finvoy, Antrim 
Billy, Antrim 
Keady, Armagh 
Lurgan, Armagh 

Moneymore, Derry 
Dervock, Antrim 

Killinchy, Down 
Belfast, Antrim 

Belfast, Antrim 
Castlereagh, Down 
Markethill, Armagh 
Magherally, Down 
Loughbrickland, Down 
Magherally, Down 
Maghera, Derry 
Killeshandra, Cavan 

Ballynahinch, Down 
Markethill, Armagh 
Ballinderry Antrim 
Glenavy, Antrim 



McCoMB, Alexander, R E 1707 
McCoME, Hugh, R E 1716 

James, R E 1713 
McCoMPHY, Edward, R E 1692 
McCoNCHY, George, R E 1717 

James, C 1715 

Robert, C 1694 

William, R E 1705 

William, R E 1708 

Mr William, C 1717 
McCoNNELL, James, R E 1715, 

McCoBD, James, 1709 

Thomas, 1709 
McCoBMiCK, Andrew, R E 1708 

Hugh, R E 1703 

John, R E 1703, 7 

William, R E 1708 
McCeacken, William, P 1711 
McCrea, James, R E 1703 
McCreigh, David, R E 1708 

John, R E 1703 

John, 1709 
McCrery, William, R E 1718 
McCuLLOGH, David, R E 1714 

Fergus, R E 1709 

Henry, 1708 

James, R E 1706 

John, R E 1692 

John, R E 1705 

John, R E 1708, 10 

John, R E 1718 

Robert, R E 1708 

Robert, R E 1703 

William, R E 1712 
McCuLLY, Thomas, R E 1692 
McCuTCHEN, James, R E 1711, 

Portaferry, Down 
Portaferry, Down 
Minterburn, Tyrone 
Lisburn, Antrim 
Moneymore, Derry 
Armagh, Armagh 
Ballyeaston Antrim 
Ballymena, Antrim 
Antrim, Antrim 

Comber, Down 
"In the Moor" 
Edruna, Derry? 
Carnmoney, Antrim 
Portaferry, Down 
Ballyclare, Antrim 
Clough, Down 
Letterkenny, Donegal 
Ray, Donegal 
Moneymore, Derry 
Ballybay, Monaghan 
Drumady, Derry? 
Bangor, Down 
Carrickfergus, Antrim 
Minterburn, Tyrone 
Belfast, Antrim 
Ballynahinch, Down 
Broadisland, Antrim 
Ballycarry, Antrim 
Ballybay, Monaghan 
Larne, Antrim 
Carlingford?, Louth 
Vinecash, Armagh 
Rathfriland, Down 
Ballyeaston Antrim 

Portaferry, Down 



McCuTOHEN, William, R E 1706 
McDonnell, Robert, R E 1717, 

McDowEXL, Daniel, R E 1717 

John, R E 1713 
McDuQ, Robert, R E 1713 
McElwayne, John, R E 1710, 

12, 18 
William, R E 1697 

McEntyb, Robert, R E 1705 
McFarlin, John, R E 1716 
McFedrick, Gilbert, R E 1710 
McFebran, Patrick, C 1714, 18 
McFbudin, Gib., R E 1697 
McGahy, Samuel, R E 1718 
McGabroch, John, R E 1716 
McGau, Richard, 1709 
McGee, John, R E 1710, 16 
McGennis, Glassny, P 1712 
McGiE, Hugh, R E 1717 
McGell, Hugh, C 1710 

James, C 1718 

Mr John, C 1713, R E 1712, 

13, 16 
John, Esq., 1708 
John, R B 1710 

McGlahey, Andrew, R E 1718 
McGrOWN, Comet Alexander, 

C 1715 
Hugh, R E 1704, 13, 14, 16 
McGuFFOCK, Fergus, C 1714 
McGusTY, David, R E 1709 
MolLWAiN, Andrew and Kath- 

erine, 1726 
McKa, John, R E 1717, 18 
MacKee, David, married 1665 

Margaret Patterson 
James, R E 1707 

Corboy, West Meath 

Portaferry, Down 
Marltethill, Armagh 
Newry, Down 
Castledawson, Tyrone 

Braid, Antrim 
Money mo re, Derry 
Donagheady, Tyrone 
Badoney, Tyrone 
Ballymoney, Antrim 
Breaky, Monaghan? 
Ballymoney, Antrim 
Killinchy, Down 
Comber, Down 
Ballynarga, Tyrone 
Clough, Down 
Newry, Down 
Donaghmore, Down 
Ballywalter, Down 
Girvachy, Down? 

Dromore, Down 
Rathfriland, Down 
Ballyeaston, Antrim 
Glennan, Monaghan 

Ballymoney, Antrim 
Donaghadee, Down 
Minterburn, Tyrone 
Enniskillen, Fermanagh 

Glenarm, Antrim 

Drumbo, Down 



MacKee, James, R E 1709 
John, R E 1694 

John, R E 1694 

John, 1709 

William, R E 1711 
McKelly, Daniel, C 1694 
McKenry, William, R E 1703 
McKewn, Alexander, R E 1709 
Mackey, John, R E 1703 
Macky, Alderman, C 1716 
McKiBBiN, Hugh, R E 1713 

James, R E 1707, 12 
McKiNLY, Patrick, R E 1705 
McKiTEicK, John, C 1704 

John, R E 1710 
McKnaight, James, C 1698 

James, R E 1703 

John, W 1704 

William, R E 1703 
McKneely, John, R E 1715 
McMaighan, William, R E 

1711, C 1712, 15 
MoMastee, Mr George, C 1717 

John, R E 1692, C 1717 

John, R E 1705 
McMullen, John, 1708 

Mr Robert, R E 1712, 14, 15, 

William, 1709. 
McMuRDY, Hans, C 1718 
McMukran, Mr William, C 1716 
McMuRRAY, John, R E 1710 

John, R E 1712 

Robert, R E 1711 
McNedny, Robert, R E 1715 
McNeil, C 1718 

Capt, 1713, R B 1716 

John, C 1708 
McQuistin, David, R E 1710 

Ballydally, Derry? 

Moneymore, Derry 

Maghera, Derry 

Ballygurch (Ballygurk, Derry?) 

Ballywalter, Down 

Near Aghadowey, Derry 

Carrickfergus, Antrim 

Moneymore, Derry ' 

Ramoan, Antrim 


Newry, Down 

Loughbrickland, Down 

Ballyclare, Antrim 

Kirkdonnell, Down 

Cushendall, Antrim 


Downpatrick, Down 

Lisburn, Antrim 

Moira, Down 

Bailieborough, Cavan 

Moira, Down 
Antrim, Antrim 
Antrim, Antrim 
Donegore, Antrim 
Rathfriland, Down 
Ballyroney, Down 
Millinaho, Derry? 
Sea Patrick, Down 
Comber, Down 
Bailee, Down 
Ballyroney, Down 
Castledawson, Tyrone 
Belfast, Antrim 
Dundalk, Louth 
Coagh, Tyrone 
Enniskillen, Fermanagh 



McRoBEET, Andrew, R E 1717 
McTyre, Andrew, R B 1707 
Magee, James, R E 1708 
Maglaghun, Robert, R E 1704 
Mahaffy, Hugh, R E 1709 
Mains, John, R E 1712 

John, R E 1714 
Mairs, David, C 1715 
Maithland, Alexander, R E 

1704, 16 
Man, John, R E 1714 
Mabshall, Mr Hugh, R E 1712 

James, C 1691 

Walter, R E 1713 
Mabtin, Alexander, R E 1710 

Colin, R E 1709 

Daniel, R E 1710 

David, R E 1710 

James, R E 1711, 12, 13 

James, R E 1715, 17 

John, R E 1705 

John, 1705 

William, R E 1706 
Maskimine, John, R E 1708 
Mathew, John, R E 1705 
Mathy, William, R E 1694 
Matire, Maurice, R E 1706 
Maxweix, Andrew, R E 1704 

Andrew, C 1708, R E 1711 

Arthur, R.E 1706, 8, 10, 
11, 12 

Arthur, C 1712 

William, R E 1705 
Menzies, Adam, R E 1708 
Mebceb, John, R E 1697 

John, R E 1703 

Thomas, R E 1697 
Metcalf, Mr Greorge, R E 1709, 

Kilmore, Down 
Cardonagh, Donegal 
Dunmurry, Down 
Clough, Antrim 
Ballybay, Monaghan 
Saintfield, Down 
Clough, Down 
Ballinderry, Antrim 

Enniskillen, Fermanagh 
Islandmagee, Antrim 
Clough, Down 
Taughboyne, Donegal 
Omagh, Tyrone 
Killinchy, Down 
Markethill, Armagh 
Ballynahinch, Down 
Carnmoney, Antrim 
Castlereagh, Down 
Lisburn, Antrim 
Drumbo, Down 
Belfast, Antrim 
Downpatrick, Down 
Dunmurry, Down 
Glenarm, Antrim 
Cavanaleck, Tyrone 
Ballynahinch, Down 
Belfast, Antrim 

Drumbo, Down 
Ballinderry, Antrim 
Strabane, Tyrone 
Stonebridge, Monaghan 
Killead, Antrim 
Dunmurry, Down 
Enniskillen, Fermanagh 




Metch, Mr, R E 1712 
Miles, William, R E 1703 
Millar, David, R E 1704, 16 
John, R E 1712, 14 
Mr John, C 1717 
Robert, R E 1709 
Robert, R E 1717 
MiLLiKEN, Robert, C 1708 

Thomas, R E 1707, 18 
Milling, Archibald, R E 1715 
Mills, Daniel, R E 1703, 5, 10 

John, R E 1703 
Mitchell, Alexander, 1709 

David, C 1691 

James and Jane, 1686 

John, R E 1692, 1710, 13, 
C 1705 

John and Esther, 1686 

William, R E 1718 
Montgomery, Francis, C 1711 

John and Joanna, 1682 

John, R E 1717 

Nathaniel, R E 1704, 7, 13, 
Monypenny, Robert, C 1708 
MooDiE, John, R E 1714, 16 
Mooee, Adam, R E 1717 

Alexander, C 1708 

David, R E 1708 

Francis, R E 1710, 17 

Mr Francis, C 1718 

Hugh, R E 1707 

John, C 1694 

John, R E 1703 

John, R E 1705 

John, 1706 (brother-in-law 

of John Whitehead; Bar- 

bary captive) 

Cavanaleck, Tyrone 
Anahilt, Down 
Aghadowey, Derry 
Ballyclare, Antrim 
Antrim, Antrim 
Fintona, Tyrone 
Ballykelly, Derry 
Belfast, Antrim 
Ballynahinch, Down 
Donaghadee, Down 

Macosquin, Derry 
Liscasy, Tyrone 
Donaghmore, Tyrone 

Glenarm, Antrim 
Belfast, Antrim 
Cong'n of Galway 
Donegore, Antrim 

Tullylish, Down 
Dundalk, Louth 
Clare, Armagh 
Ballyeaston, Antrim 
Belfast, Antrim 
Caimcastle, Antrim 
Ballyroney, Down 
Magherally, Down 
Omagh, Tyrone 
Aghadowey, Derry 
Aughnacloy, Tyrone 
Macosquin, Derry 

Coleraine, Derry 



Moore, John, C 1711 
John, R ^ 1712 
John, R E 1713 
John and Ann, 1699 
John, married Elizabeth 

Morrison, 1701 
Patrick, R E 1708 
Robert, R E 1697, 8 
Robert, R E 1704, 8 
Mr Robert, C 1714 
Mr Robert, C 1718 
Samuel, R E 1708 
Thomas, R E 1707 
Thomas, R E 1709 
William, R E 1709 
William, C 1706, 12, R E 

1710, 12, 17 
William, R E 1710, 12, C 

William, C 1712 
MooEHEAD, Thomas, R E 1716 

William, C 1694 
MoBEHEAD, William, R E 1709 
MoBBisoN, James, R B 1714 
James and Mary, 1701 
Mr Joseph, C 1712, 16 
Robert and Ann, 1683 
Robert, R E 1709 
MoESON, James, R E 1698 
MUNDALE, William, RE 1698 
MuBDOGH, James, R E 1704 

James, R E 1712 
Murphy, Daniel, C 1708 
Murray, Horas, R E 1706 
James, R E 1707 
James, R E 1713 
William, R E 1711 

Aghaloo, Tyrone 
Newtownards, Down 
Ballycarry, Antrim 

Fintona, Tyrone 
Killyleagh, Down 
Monreagh, Derry 
Drum, Monaghan 
Maghera, Derry 
Ramelton, Donegal 
Urney, Tyrone 
Ray, Donegal 

]^Ioira, Down 

Clough, Antrim 
Ballywalter, Down 
Killinchy, Down 
Ardstraw, Tyrone 
Macosquin, Derry 
Ballykelly, Derry 
Donaghmore, Doneg*? ' 
Dunean, Antrim 
Ballymena, Antrim 
Maghera, Derry 
Dundalk, Louth 
Minterburn, Tyrone 
Newtownards, Down 
Comber, Down 
Lame, Antrim 




Neil, Daniel, R E 1715 

Robert, R. E 1717 
Neilson, Alexander, R E 1707 

Robert, R B 1694, 1707 

Robert, R E 1697, 8 

William, R E 1704 
Nesbit, John, R E 1703, 5, 6 

Nathan, C 1718 

Richard, R E 1713 
Nesmith, James, married Jane 

Bennumas, 1659 
Nevin, Andrew, R E 1697, 1706 

William, C 1691 
NoBTON, Mr. Richard, C 1718 
NuTT, Robert, R E 1698, 1709 

Bangor, Down 
Cushendall, Antrim 
Dunean, Antrim 
Larne, Antrim 
Antrim, Antrim 
Antrim, Antrim 
Ervey, Meath 
Ban Breaky, Monaghan? 
Donagheady, Tyrone 

Ballyclare, Antrim 
Glendermot, Derry 
Glendermot, Derry 

O'Cahan, John, R E 1704, 13 
O'Neill, John, Esq., P. 1717 
Orb, Abel, R E 1711 

David and Isabel, 1683 

James, R E 1710 

James, R E 1712 

John, R E 1708 

John, R E 1714 

Mr Patrick, G 1715 
OuGHTERsoN, John, C 1711 
OusTEAN, James, C 1691 
Owens, Hugh, R E 1709 14, 16, 


Maghera, Derry 
Shane's Castle, Antrim 
Moume, Down 
Comber, Down 
Boveva, Derry 
Drumbo, Down 
Clough, Antrim 
Drumbanagher, Armagh 
Coleraine, Derry 
18 Connor, Antrim 


Page, John, R E 1716 • Armagh? 

Park, Andrew and Jane, 1704 Londonderry 

John, R E 1713, 15 Ballyclare, Antrim 

Robert and Mary, 1697 Londonderry, 


Parker, John, R E 1716 Dunean, Antrim 

Samuel, R E 1712 Connor, Antrim 

Paterson, Arthur, R E 1704 Ray, Donegal 

Arthur, R E 1709 Burt, Donegal 

David, R E 1711 Monreagh, Donegal 

Garvin, R E 1707, 11, 13, 14, Killyleagh, Down 

John, R E 1694 Newry, Down 

John, R E 1697 Dunpatrick, Down 

John, R E 1707 Carrickfergus, Antrim 

John, R E 1708, 18 Dungannon, Tyrone 

John, C 1708 Elden-derry, Armagh? 

John, R E 1708, 14 Tullylish, Down 

John, R E 1711, 15 Lurgan, Armagh 
John, married Margaret 

King, 1681 Londonderry 

John and Anne, 1695 Londonderry 

Peter, R E 1706 Kilraughts, Antrim 

Robert, R E 1715 Billy, Antrim 

Samuel, R E 1703 Ballywillan, Antrim 

Walter, C 1691 Taughboyne, Donegal 

Walter, R E 1707 Monreagh, Donegal 

Paton, John, R E 1715 Ballykelly, Derry 
Joseph parish Donagh, 
married 1699, Mary Mc- 

Gillharan Londonderry 

Thomas, R E 1707 Urney, Tyrone 

Patrick, Robert, R E 1697 Ardstraw, Tyrone 

Paxton, James, R E 1713 Ballyroney, Down 

Thomas, C 1713 Monaghan 

Peacock, Doctor, C 1708, 9, R E 

1710 Belfast, Antrim 

PiKAN, Andrew, R E 1704 Donagheady, Tyrone 

PiNKERTON, John, married Eliza- 
beth Graham, 1684 Londonderry 

Piper, Hugh, R E 1718 Winterbum, Tyrone 

Pollock, Charles, R E 1706 Donagheady, Tyrone 

William, R E 1717 Dunmurry, Down 

Porter, Alexander, R E 1704 Comber, Down 



PoETEE, Andrew, R E 1711 
James, R E 1703 
James, R E 1705 
James, R E 1709 
James, R E 1716 
John, R E 1716 
Mr William, C 1715 

Potts, Mr David, C 1716 
John, R E 1717 
Thomas, R E 1715 

Pringle, Alexander, C 1714 
Hugh, R E 1710 

PuELY, Thomas, R E 1708 

Ballyclare, Antrim , 
Burt, Donegal 
Magherally, Down 
Loughbrickland, Down 
Ballindreat, Donegal 
Dromara, Down 

Letterkenny, Donegal 
Cushendall, Antrim 
Kinnaird, Tyrone 
Drum, Monaghan 
Magherally, Down 


QuiGLEY, John and Mary, 1618 Londonderry 


Rainey, Hugh, R E 1698, 1704 

James, R E 1694, 7 

John, C 1708 

John, R B 1714 

Robert, R B 1706, 9, 11 

Mr Robert, Sr., C 1717 

Mr Robert, Jr., C 1717 

William, R E 1697, 1711 

William, Sr., C 1708 

William, Jr., C 1708 
Ramage, John, R E 1711 
Ramsey, James, married Martha 

Henderson, 1685 
Randle, John, R E 1705 
Rankin, James, married Con- 
stance McCormen, 1699 Londonderry 

John, married Martha Kin- 
kead, 1703 

Richard, 1709 

Tomlln and Eleanor, 1683 Londonderry 

Castledawson, Tyrone 
Dunean, Antrim 
Belfast, Antrim 
Castledawson, Tyrone 
Antrim, Antrim 
Antrim, Antrim 
Antrim, Antrim 
Belfast, Antrim 
Belfast, Antrim 
Belfast, Antrim 
Glendermot, Derry 


Tirkvillan, Derry? 



Rawlston, Robert, R E 1707 
Rea, James, C 1692 
Read, George, parish Dunboe, 
married Janet Skewin, 

Samuel, R E 1703 
Redman, , 1697 

Moses, 1709 
Reid, Henry, R E 1718 

Hugh, R E 1704 

Hugh, R E 1705 

James, C 1694, R E 1707 

John, R E 1694, 1714 

John, R E 1705 

John, R E 1709 

John, R E 1716 

Samuel, R E 1707 

Thomas, R E 1715, 18 

Thomas, C 1715 

William, R E 1704, 10, 13 
Rely, Myles, R E 1707 
Riddel, Robert, R E 1698 
Ritchie, Daniel, R E 1715 
RiTCHY, James, R E 1707 
RoBB, Alexander, R E 1710, 13 
Robertson, John, R E 1698 
Robinson, George, R E 1709 

Robert, R E 1708 

Thomas, R E 1708 

Hugh, R E 1710 
Rodger, James, R E 1703 
Rogers, Robert and Abigail, 1703 

William, C 1708 
ROLAN, Claud, 1709 
Ross, Alexander, R E 1704 

James, R E 1710 

James, P 1712 

John, R E 1716, 17 

Robert, C 1691 

Aughnacloy, Tyrone 
Moneymore, Derry . 

Kilrea, Derry 
Near Hillsborough, Down 
Edruna, Derry? 
Donaghadee, Down 
Ballywillan, Antrim 
Cavanaleek, Tyrone 
Braid, Antrim 
Portaferry, Down 
Carlingford, South 
Loughbrickland, Down 
Kilrea, Derry 
Ballywillan, Antrim 
Portaferry, Down 
Lurgan, Armagh 
Urney, Tyrone 
Templepatrick, Antrim 
Randalstown, Antrim 
Saintfield, Down 
Dunmurry, Down 
Newtownards?, Down 
Glendermot, Derry 
Benburb, Tyrone 
Glendermot, Derry 
Omagh, Tyrone 
Belfast, Antrim 
Ballynahone, Derry? 
Bangor, Down 
Finvoy, Antrim 

Ballymena, Antrim 
Tanoch-Neeve, Down 



RossBOTHOM, Matthew, R E 1697 Lisburn, Antrim 

RussEL, George, R E 1706 

James, R E 1698 

James, C 1715 

John, R E 1707 

John, R E 1709 

William, R E 1711 
Rutherford, Elias, R E 1716 

Carnmoney, Antrim 
Dundonald, Down 
Holywood, Down 
Boveva, Derry 
Castlereagh, Down 
Letterkenny, Donegal 
Ballybay, Monaghan 


Scot, George, R E 1716 

Hugh, R E 1711 

James, R E 1717 

Matthew, R E 1705, 7, 10 

Patrick, R E 1717 

Thomas, R E 1718 

William, R E 1703 

William, R E 1711 
Sea WRIGHT, Gilbert, R E 1715 
Selkirk, William, R E 1694 
Sharp, Nicholas, C 1708 
Sharpes, William," C 1708 
Shaw, George, R E, 1717 

Capt. John, R E 1708, C 
1717, 18 

Mr John, C 1712, 18 

Mr Patrick, C 1712 

William, C 1691 

William, C 1699 

William, R E 1705 

Capt. William, R E 1715 

Col. William, C 1717, 18 

William, Esq., R E 1707, 12, 
C 1712 
Shennan, James, R E 1698 

John, P 1704 

John, R E 1708 
Shields, George, R E 1703, 16 

Rathfriland, Down 
Donegore, Antrim 
Bailieborough, Cavan 
Donaghadee, Down 
Drumbo, Down 
Ballywalter, Down 
Ramelton, Donegal 
Rathfriland, Down 
Magherally, Down 
Lagan Presbytery 
Coagh or Ballinderry, Antrim 
Belfast, Antrim 
Lurgan, Ai'magh 

Antrim, Antrim 
Antrim, Antrim 
Antrim, Antrim 
Donegore, Antrim 
Antrim, Antrim 
Comber, Down 
Antrim, Antrim 
Antrim, Antrim 

Antrim, Antrim 

Tandro-gee, Armagh? 
I^imavady, Derry 
Killinchy, Down 



Sim, William, R E 1714 
Simpson, Thomas and Elizabeth, 

William and Janet, 1684 
SiMSON, James and Ann, 1681 

John, R E 1711 
Sinclair, William, R E 1717, 18 
SiRRiLAW, John, R E 1709 
Skelton, John, R E 1705 
Sloan, Jo:, R E 1694 

John, R E 1705 13 

John, R E 1712, 18 
Smart, John, R E 1697 
Smely, Robert, R E 1708 
Smily, Samuel, R B 1704 
Smith, David, C 1694 

George, R E 1718 

James, C 1691; 1701 

James, C 1694 

James, R E 1713 

John, R E 1703, 9 

John, R E 1712 

John, R E 1707, 10, 15 

John, R E 1715, 18 

John, R E 1715 

Lancelot, R E 1718 

Robert and Mary, 1686 

Robert, R E 1698 

Robert, R E 1712 

Samuel and Katherine, 1692 

Samuel, R E 1713 

Samuel, Jr., 1714 

William, C 1691 
Smyth, William, C 1711 
Speir, Robert, C 1691, 1709 
Spens, James, R E 1694 
Staprat, James, R E 1706 
Steel, Andrew, R E 1715 

Francis and Martha, 1696 

Comber, Down 

Keady, Armagh 

Aghadowey, Derry 
Ballynahlnch, Down 
Broadisland, Antrim 
Moneymore, Derry 
Ballybay, Monaghan 
Vinecash, Amargh 
Ardstraw, Tyrone 
Larne, Antrim 
Belfast, Antrim 
Kilmore, Down 
Donegore, Antrim 
Macosquin, Derry 
Cushendall, Antrim 
Lisbum, Antrim 
Magherally, Down 
Carnmoney, Antrim 
Carlingford?, South 
Belfast, Antrim 
Dunmurry, Down 
Kilrea, Derry 
Ballymena, Antrim 
Belfast, Antrim 
Belfast, Antrim 
Newry, Down 
Moy-water, Mayo 
Ballyclug, Antrim 
Drumbo, Down 
Ahoghill, Antrim 
Ballindreat, Donegal 


Steel, Gawin, C 1715, R E 1718 Clough, Antrim 

John, R E 1707, 10, 13 Bangor, Down 

John, R E 1718 Dunpatrick, Down 

Thomas, R E 1708 Vinecash, Armagh 

Stephenson, James, R E 1712 Brigh, Tyrone 

Robert, R B 1716 Vinecash, Armagh 

William, R E 1712 Ballindreat, Donegal 

Steuaet, Alexander and Sara 

(McLaughlin), 1694 Londonderry 

Archibald, R E 1706 Comber, Down 

James, R E 1708 Dunean, Antrim 

John, R E 1698 Killinchy, Down 

John, R E 1708 Bangor, Down 

Robert, C 1700 Lisburn, Antrim 

William and Mary, 1697 Londonderry 

William, R E 1704, 6, 8 Killinchy, Down 

Stevenson, James, R E 1703, 5 Brigh, Tyrone 

James, C 1709 Ballyclug, Antrim 

James, R E 1709 Boveva, Derry 

John, R E 1708 Brigh, Tyrone 

Robert, 1707 Molena 

(near Londonderry) 

Steward, William, parish of 
Lifford, married Margaret 

Wallis of Lifford, 1700 Donegal 

Stewaet, Andrew and Rath- 
er ine, 1693 Londonderry 
George and Charity, 1683 Londonderry 
James, R E 1703 Dunean Antrim 
John, R E 1698 Dungannon, Tyrone 
William, R E 1711 Killinchy, Down 

Stirling, Archibald, R E 1704, 

• 9, 12 Finvoy, Antrim 

John, R E 1692, 4 Templepatrick, Antrim 

John, R E 1715 Benburb, Tryone 

Stitt, Thomas, R E 1717 Moume, Down 

Stones, Edmund, R E 1710 Armagh, Armagh 

Stbaight, James, R E 1713 Loughbrickland, Down 



Straiton, George, C 1692 
Steawbbidge, James, R E 1706 
Steean, Adam, R B 1692 

John, R E 1711 
Stuart, Archibald, C 1715 

Hugh, R E 1692 

John, C 1694 

John, R E 1718 

Thomas, R E 1714 

William, R E 1716 

Mr William, C 1717 
Sutler, James, R E 1704 
Swan, John, R E 1692 

William, C 1691 
SwARNBECK, GeoFge, R E 1717 
Syminton, John, R E 1713 

Lurgan, Amargh 
Burt, Donegal 
Ahoghill, Antrim 
Stonebridge, Monaghan 
Kilraughts, Antrim 
Ballyclug, Antrim 
Killinchy, Down 
Kilraughts, Antrim 
Dunmurry, Down 
Killyleagh, Down 
Antrim, Antrim 
Garvagh, Derry 
Under Killead 
Donaghmore, Tyrone 
Dunmurry, Down 
Donaghmore, Down 

Taggaed, Thomas, R E 1705 
Tagoart, Francis, R E 1717 
Tate, William, C 1691 
Tayix)r, Alexander, R E 1718 
David, R E 1710, 15 
James, R E 1714 
John, C 1708 
Thomas, R E 1694 
Tatt, David, R E 1711 
Teat, Thomas, C 1698 
Templeton, Adam 
Alan, C 1715 
John, R E 1707, 11 
Matthew, R E 1707, 9 
Thomb, Hugh, R E 1708 
Thompson, David, R E 1698, 
1704, 7 
David, R E 1714, 15, 17 
George, R B 1709 

Ardstraw, Tyrone 
Ballyclare, Antrim 

Lisburn, Antrim 
Donaghmore, Down 
Saintfield, Down 
Belfast, Antrim 
Killyleagh, Down 
Cushendall, Antrim 
Blarise?, Down 
Ballywillan, Antrim 
Ballymoney, Antrim 
Magherally, Down 
Braid, Antrim 
Braid, Antrim 

Moneymore, Derry 
Coagh, Tyrone 
Ballymena, Antrim 



Thompson, James and Kather- 
ine, 1695 

John, R E 1697, C 1709 

John, R E 1713, 18 

John, R E 1710, 17 

Robert, R E 1706 

Robert, R E 1706 

Robert, R E 1717 

Thomas, R E 1713 

William, R E 1708 
Thomson, Alexander, R E 1711 

Andrew, C 1698 

Michael, R E 1697, 1718 

Samuel, R E 1710 
Todd, Andrew, R E 1711, 16, 17 

George, R E 1708 

James, R E 1717 

John, C 1708, 9, 11, R E 
1708, 9, 11 

John, C 1714 

John, R E 1714 
Tom, Robert and Mary, 1684 
ToPLis, Joseph, R E 1707, 10 
TouLAN, John, R E 1692 
Tbah., Mr. James, R E 1717 
Teymble, Robert, R E 1709 
TUBK, John, C 1715 

Tweed, David, R E 1708 
Tyler, Evan, C 1711, R E 1718 

Coleraine, Derry 
Ballymena, Antrim 
Newtownards, Down 
Ballykelly, Derry 
Glendermot, Derry 
Cavanaleck, Tyrone 
Cavanaleck, Tyrone 
Randalstown, Antrim 
Maghera, Derry 
Loughbrickland, Down 
Moira, Down 
Antrim, Antrim 
Saintfield, Down 
Ballyeaston, Antrim 
Vinecash, Armagh 

Donaghmore, Down 

Kinnaird, Tyrone 

Minterburn, Tyrone 



Carrickfergus, Antrim 

Killyleagh, Down 

Clough, Down 

Twenty Quarter Lands (near 

Ballymoney, Antrim 
Cong'n of Galway 
Kilraughts, Antrim 


Upton, Clotworthy, R E 1711, 

12, 16 
Ury, William, C 1691 

Templepatrick, Antrim 
Clogher, Tyrone 



Vans, Mr Archibald, C 1718 

Jolin, paristi Moville, mar- 
ried Elizabeth Quinne, 

Patrick, R E 1699, 1703, 4 

Patrick, R E 1717 

William, 1709 
Vernob, John, R E 1697 

Jon., C 1691 

Robert, R E 1067, 7 

William, R E 1706, 8 

Drum, Monaghan 

Magherally Down 
Ballywalter, Down 
Achavan, Derry? 
Castledawson, Tyrone 
Maghera, Derry 
Connor, Antrim 
Castledawson, Tyrone 


Wachop, Samuel, R E 1713 
Walbub, John, married Janet 

Hog, 1684 
Walkeb, Andrew, C 1713 

John, RE 1698 

John, R E 1705 

John, R E 1718' 
Wallace, David, R E 1709 

Hugh, R E 1707 

Hugh, R E 1718 

Hugh, R E 1707, 12 

Hugh, R E 1706, 10, 14 

Hugh, R E 1711 

James, R E 1708 

James, R E 1715 

John, R E 1692 

Robert, R E 1718 

William, married Margaret 
Morrison, 1663 
Ward, Thomas, R E 1705 
Warrington, Thomas, R E 1708 
Watebson, William, C 1708, 9 

Fintona, Tyrone 

Drummarah, Down 
Limavady, Derry 
Burt, Donegal 
Ballyrashane, Antrim 
Fannet, Donegal 
Ballymena, Antrim 
Saintfield, Down 
Killinchy, Down 
Ballywalter, Down 
Ravara, Down 
Portaferry, Down 
Loughbrickland, Down 
Donegore, Antrim 
Loughbrickland, Down 

Dunfanaghy, Donegal 

Glen and Drumbanagher, 



Watson, Gilbert, R E 1704 

James, C 1711 

John, R E 1716 

Robert, R E 1712 

William, R E 1697 

William, R E 1712 
Watt, Hugh, R E 1703, 4, 7 
Weir, Mr Robert, C 1717 

William, R E 1712, 14 
White, James, R E 1697 

John, R E 1717 
Whitelaw, Alexander, R E 1714, 

Whiteside, Mr Arthur, C 1717 

Peter, RE 1705 
Whyte, James, R E 1715 
WiGTON, William, R E 1717 
Williams, George, R E 1713 
Williamson, John, R E 1711 

Thomas, R E 1713 
Wilson, Alexander, R E 1710 

Alexander, R E 1717 

Alexander, R E 1715 

Andrew, R E 1707 

Edward, G 1708 

Capt. Francis, R E 1704, 5, 11 

Hugh, R E 1711 

James and Elizabeth, 1683 

James, R E 1692 

James, R E 1705 

James, R E 1711 

John, R B 1698 

John, C 1699, 1716 

John, R E 1714, 16 
John, R E 1706 
John, R E 1708 
John, R E 1710 

Aughnacloy, Tyrone 
Aghaloo, Tyrone 
Castlereagh, Down 
Urney, Tyrone 
Dungannon, Tyrone 
Killyleagh, Down 
Markethill, Amargh 
Antrim, Antrim 
Moneymore, Derry 
Ballywalter, Down 
Billy, Antrim 

Vinecash, Armagh 

Antrim, Antrim 

Killead, Antrim 

Lame, Antrim 

Clogher, Tyrone 

Ballyeaston, Antrim 

Anahilt, Down 

Ballywalter, Down 

Tullylish, Down. 

Ballybay, Monaghan 

Kilrea, Derry 

Ballyeaston, Antrim 

Belfast, Antrim 

Corboy, West Meath 

Ballykelly, Derry 


Islandmagee, Antrim 

Ballymena, Antrim 

Fintona, Tyrone 

Ardstraw, Tyrone 

Killmakevett, Antrim (north of 

Ballinderry, Antrim 
Brigh, Tyrone 
Donegore, Antrim 
Dunmurry, Down 



Wilson, John, R E 1711 

John, R E 1714 

John, R E 1717 

Robert, R E 1698 

Robert, R E 1709, 16 

Robert, R E 1706, 10 

Robert, C 1708, 14 

Samuel, R E 1713 

Thomas, R E 1711 

Mr Thomas, C 1717 

William, R E 1694 

William, R E 1707, 13 

William, R E 1712, 15 

William, R E 1717 
WiNDBON, John, RE 1710 
WiELrNG, James, R E 1708 
WooDBURN, George, R E 1710 
Woods, James, R E 1707 

James, R E 1710, 14 

James, C 1714 

John, R E 1716, 18 
WooDSiDE, Robert, R E 1718 
Wool, John, R E 1703 
WoEKMAisr, John, P 1706 
Weight, John, R E 1718 
Wylee ) 
Wylt ( Ja-^es, R E 1698 

John, R E 1703, 11, 12, 14, 

16, 18 
William, R E 1705 
William, R E 1707, 10, 13 

Bangor, Down 
Portaferry, Down 
Keady, Armagh 
Rathfriland, Down 
Ballyeaston, Armagh 
Clogher, Tyrone 
Belfast, Antrim 
Newtownards, Down 
Ballyeaston, Antrim 
Antrim, Antrim 
Islandmagee, Antrim 
Ballykelly, Derry 
Ballyeaston, Antrim 
Anahilt, Down 
Templepatrick, Antrim 
Newtownards, Down 
Kilrea, Derry 
Dunmurry, Down 
Lurgan, Armagh 
Belfast, Antrim 
Tullylish, Down 
Ballyclare, Antrim 
Bailee, Down 
Macosquin, Antrim 
Ballymoney, Antrim 

Carnmoney, Antrim 

Ahoghill, Antrim 
Finvoy, Antrim 
Dervock, Antrim 

Young, John, merchant, 1701, 15 Belfast, Antrim 



Abbeville, 294 

Abbott, C. H., quoted, 200, 202 

Abercrombie, James, 285 

Rev. Robert, 115 
Abernatby, 294 
Abernethy, Rev. John, 75 
Ability, 308, 309 
Acheson, Matthew, 231, 233 
Acton, James, 328 

Richard, 328 
Adair, 292 
Adams, 294 

William, 262 
Adrian 292 

Aghadowey, 106, 107, 156. 188 ; on 
map, 39 ; session book of Pres- 
byterian church, 119 ; site of 
meeting house, 120 ; poor in, 
122 ; letter from church at, 
259 ; view of Parish church, 
Agnew, Andrew, 227 

William, 330 
Agriculture, 283 
Aiken, Edward, 262 

James, 262 

William, 262 
Alderchurch, Edward, 333 
Alexander, 231 233 

David. 228, 233 

James, 184, 262, 325 

John, 183, 184 

Randall, 102, 262, 327; no- 
ticed, 255 

William, 228, 233 
Alison. 282 

John, 336 

Robert, 125 
Allan, David. 288, 333 
Allen, Eben. 320, 322 

Edward, 170, 333, 335 

John, 82, 285 

Joshua, 82 

Peter, 271 

Sylvanus, 82 

William, 278 
Allen township, 278 
Allison, 281, 292 

Richard, 271 

Samuel, noticed, 255, 262 
American Antiquarian Society, 197 
"Amity," ship, 322 

"Amity," snow, 317 
"Amsterdam," ship, 321 
Anderson, 275, 294 

Allen, noticed, 255, 262 

James, 262 

noticed, 255 

Rev. James, 277 

John, 262, 330 

Patrick, 330 

William, 125 
Andover, on map, 178 ; Scotch Irish 

at, 200-202 
Andrews, Rev. Jedediah, 28, 36," 280 
Annapolis, N. S., 155 
Anne, Queen, Presbyterians under, 

15 ; Ulster under, 63-64 
Anton, George, 326 

James, 327 

Samuel. 326 

Thomas, 327 
Antrim, town, view of, 73 
Archibald, John, 262 

Robert 121, 125 
Ardreagh, 123, 128 
Ardstraw, 100, 187, 191, 223 
Armenius, 75 
Armstrong, James, 213, 288 

John, 209, 213 

John, in Boston, 146, 149 ; and 
the "Robert," 205 ; petition 
of, 249 

Robert, 262 

Simeon, 209, 213 
Armstrong family, 209 
Arnold, Thomas, 322 
Arrowsic, 331, 372 ; on map. 204 
Art, Scotch Irish In, 301, 303, 309 
Ashe, Bishop, 67 
Aston, 281 

Atlantic, crossing, 151 
Auburn, 185 

Auchmuty, Robert, 166. 262, 333 
Aul, Abraham, 170, 335 

James. 155 
Austin, Joseph, 333 
Ayrshire, 1 


Bacon, Edwin M., 153 

Jacob, 114 
Baird, James, 335 

Thomas, 183. 188 

William, 326 



Bailey, Henry, 272 
Ball, James, 330 

Ballykelly, 42, 100, 156, 196, 197 
Ballymena, 101, 127 
Ballymoney, 100 ; view of, 255 ; ex- 
planation of view, 254 
Ballyrashane, 100 
Ballywillan, 102 ; on map, 39 ; view 

of, 265 
Banerlen, Mary, 233 
Bangor Castle, view, 7 
Bankhead, James, 327. 
Bann, river, 1 
Bann Valley, discord in, 38 ; road 

map, 3y 
Bapti, Arthur, 121 
Barbadoes store, 280 
Barber, Robert, 183, 184, 188 
Barbour, John, 210, 213, 229 
Bare-foot habit, 303 
Barkley, James, 328 
Barnett, Annis, 258 

John, 278, 262; noticed, 252 
Barns, James, 219 

Vv^illiam, 233 
Barr, Gabriel, 300 

Robert, 329 
Barrow, John, quoted, 96 
Barry, 294 
Barton, 294 

Edmund M., 131 
Bass, Philip, 219, 321, 322, 323 
Bath, on map, 204 
Batty, John, 183, 188 
Baxter, Rev. Joseph, 221 
Bayly, Thomas, 272 
Beach, John, 317 
Beall, Ninian, 27 
Beard, 294 
Beath, John, 333 

Walter, 155, 239 
Beaufort, 286 
Beaver Brook, 242 
Bee, John, 285 
Beeson, 281 

"Beginning," sloop, 320 
Belcher, Jonathan, 159 
Belfast, ships at, 67 : view of, 147 
Belfast Society, 75 
Bell, Joanna, 279 

John, 12, 259, 262, 336 

Thomas, 230 
Bennett, Captain, 152 

Thomas, 333 
Bensalem 278 
Benson, 281 

Bertram, Elizabeth, 277 
Bethune, George, 140 
Bety, John, 183 
Beverley, Abram, 328 

Agnes, 272, 273 

James, 232, 233, 328 

Joseph, 232, 233. 325 

Samuel, 232, 233, 252, 328 

Bible, in Celtic, 106; love for, 302 
Bigger, David, 329 
Billerica, 155 
Bishop, 280 
Black, 280, 292 

Jacob, 328 

James, 327 

John, 328, 329. 330 

Marmaduke, 335 

Samuel, 333 

Thomas, 328 
Blackshaw, 281 
Blackwell, Thomas, 327 
Blair, Abraham, 188 

Alexander, 330 

Hugh, 326 

Capt. Hugh, 126 

James, 157. 244, 261, 263, 328 

Jeremiah, 328 

John, 263, 327 

Joseph, 326 

Rachel, 157 

Robert, 183, 188 

Rev. Robert, 7-10 

William, 164, 188, 326 
Blair's House, 126 
Blakely, 288 
Blandford, 115, 117 
Bleaching greens, 49 
Blelock, 282 
Blaine, Ephraim, 275 

James G., 275 
Blyth, 281 
Bogachoag, 185 
Bogan, 293 
Boggle, Thomas, 336 
Boggs, 292 
Bogle, David, 263 

Thomas, 155, 263 
Bolton, Geoffrey, 155 

Dr. Hugh, 263 

John, 202 

Stanwood K., 155 

Thomas, 213 

William, 201, 202, 263 
Bolton, Mass., 155 
Bond, Susan, 218 
Bonner's map, 161 
Books read by Presbyterians, 174 
Boothbay, 117, 155 
Boscawen, 111 

Boston, provisions provided, 158 ; 
Scotch Irish in, 154 ; warnings 
from, 229 
Bothwell, Alexander, 191 
Bouie, William, 125 
Boulter, Hugh, Archbishop, 29, 130; 
on a tillage hill, 46-48; on 
tythes, 65-68; and King, 69 
Boulton, George, 333 
Bourns, Michael, 333 
Bovedy, 156 
Boxford, 201 
Boyce, 293 



Boyce, John, 122 
Boyd, 278 

Adam, 333 

Rev. Adam, 87, 92, 282 

Rev. Alexander, 117 

Rev. Archibald, 107. 108 

Archibald, his petition, 240, 249 

James, 122 

John, 126, 252, 327, 329 

Robert, 327. 329 

Samuel, 330 

Thomas, 327, 328 

Rev. Thomas, 91 

William, 326, 329 

Ret. William, 18, 105. 132, 133, 

. 144, 197, 324 • sketch of, 91, 

99 ; dines with Sewall, 136 ; 

in Gray's bookstore, 165 ; his 

arrival, 239; and Sewall, 244 

Boyes, Robert, 261. 267 

Boyle, Benjamin, 327 

William, 327 
Boyse, Rev. Joseph, 67 ; replies to 

king, 69, 70, 82 
Bradford. Mass., 200, 242 
Bradford, James, 175 
Bradley, James, 288 

Samuel, 288 
Braintree, 155 
Brandon, 293 
Brandywine farms, 280 
Brattoh, 292 

Robert, 156 
Breaden, Philip, 333 
Breakenridge, James, 184, 192 

William, 193 
Breakenridge music book, 193 
Breed, Nathaniel, 317 
Brewington, 288 
Brewster, James, 328 

John, 122 
Brice, James, 328 
Bridgewater, 155 
Brigantine, view of, 150 
Brigham, James, 327 
Bristol, 116 
Britton, John, 336 
Brode, 113 
Brookfield, 155 
Brooks, Silvanus, 125 
Broohe, 292 
Brown, 294 

David, 22 

George, 87 

Jenet, 122 

Thomas, 336 
Browning, James, 191 

John, 191 
Brownlie, John, 155 
Brunswick, 116 ; on map, 204 ; Wood- 
side at, 220-227 
Bryan, William, 272 

Bryant, William, 335 
Bryce, 293 
Buchanan, 281, 292 

Arthur, 272 

Robert, 272 
Burgis, William, 150 
Burkitt's Expository, 174 
Burns, James, 233 

Michael, 335 

Robert, 155. 335 

William, 219 
Burr, Rev. Isaac, 111 
Burton, 281 
Bushmills, 100, 111 
Buyers, John, 227 

Cairnes, Robert, 193 
Caldbreath, Humphrey, 336 
Caldwell, 294 

Alexander, 106, 333 

Hugh, 326 

Malcom, 326 

Seth. 131 

Thomas, 263 

William,' 183, 188, 325; his 
church letter, 131 
Calhoun, 294 

John C, 292, 310 
Cambridge, 155 
Cameron, 294 

William, 335 
Campbell, 278 

Charles, 114 

Cornelius, 164 

Daniel, 334 

George, 329 

Hugh, 12 

Rev. Hugh, 116 

James, 329 

John, 114 

Margaret, 186 

Patrick, 272, 334 

Robert, 114, 318 

Samuel, 114 

William, 263, 327. 335 
Canedy, Alexander, 156 
Canworthy, Andrew, 333 
Cape Cod, 201 
Cape Elizabeth, 204 
Cape Fear Mercury. 87 
Cappagh, 188 
Carey, George, 327 
Cargill, Annis, 252 

David, 94, 121, 125, 248, 259, 
260, 261, 263; noticed, 258 

James, 155 

Jane, 127 

Janet, 252 
Carlile, James, 336 
Carmichael, 294 



Carolinas, and Ireland, 91 
Carr, John, 335 

Thomas, 155 

See also Karr, 272 
Carrickfergus, 31 
Carrol, 293 
Carson, 293 

Carter, Katherin, 231, 233 
Carver, Joslah, 323 
Cary, Mr., 232, 233 
Casco Bay, 111, 157 ; Scotch Irish 
at, 203-214 ; map of, 204 ; set- 
tlers at, 213, 214 
Cass, Daniel, 114 
Castledawson, 156 
Cathance, 219, 331 ; on map, 204 
Catholics, 57, 64 
Celtic, Bible in, 107 
Celtic catechism, 94 
Celts in Ulster, 3-4 
"Cezer," ship, 270 
Chalmers, 294 
Chambers, 278, 293 

Patrick, 335 
Character of the Scotch Irish, chap- 
ter 16, 296 
Characteristics, 118 
Charitable Irish Society, 175, 333 
Charles II, Presbyterians under, 60 
Charleston, 155 ; Presbyterians at, 
30-35 ; Scotch Irish at, 285 ; 
ships entering, 268 
Chelsea, 155 
Cherry Valley, 266 
Chessnutt, William, 335 
Chester County, Penn,, 271 
Children, hiring out of, 283 ; number 

of, 308 
Chilmark, 82, 84 
Christiana Creek, 58 
Christy, Peter, 330 

William, 329 
Church, Samuel, 114 
Cishiel, John, 183 
Clackens, 299 
Claflin, 11 

Clare, Chancellor, 20 
Clark, 278 

Adam, 184 

Dr. Alexander, 106 

George, 263 

James, 136. 191, 263, 333 : no- 
ticed, 255 

John, 181, 191, 230, 233, 263, 
333, 335 

Mary, 126 

Matthew, 183, 263 

Rev. Matthew, 94, 100, 108, 128 r 
his preaching, 302 ; marries 
Mrs. McGregor, 106 

Robert, 263 

Thomas, 263 

See also Clerk 

Clarke. George K., 196 
Claverhouse, Graham of, 300 
Clavers, as a bogey, 300 
Clendenin, Archibald, 252, 263 
Clerk, John, 183 

Joseph, 183 
Clinton, Charles, his voyage, 271 
Clogher, 100, 207 
Clothworkers Companv, 38, 41 
Clough, 101 
Clougherny, 156 

Cobham, Rev. Thomas, 101, 330 
Coburn, Silas R., 199 
Cochran, Andrew. 263, 326, 328 

Boulonget, 330 

James, 126, 326 

Janet, 252 

John, 202, i.o4, 263, 326, 328 

Peter, 263 

William, 263. 326 
Code, Samuel, 327 
Coffee, 294 
Cofferin, John, 202 
Coin, scarcity in Ireland, 57 
Colbreath, John, 326 
Cole, Thomas, 114 
Colerain, Penn., 280 
Coleraine, Ireland, 41, 155, 156, 320 ; 
and the Jackson family, 37 : 
control of, 42 ; described, 96 ; 
view of, 97 
Collins, 294 
Colvil, John, 329 
Conagher's Farm, 310, 311 
Concord, 155, 184 
Connecticut Valley, Irish of, 112 
Conner, 294 
Cookson, 280 
Coolidge, Ruth D., 5 
Cord, Andrew, 330 
Cork, Ireland, 219 
Cork, Maine, on map, 204 
Cornbury, Lord, 268, 269 
Cornwall, Rev. William, 95, 100, 110, 

207. 213. 221 
Cowan, 282 

Ephraim, 184 

George, 184 

James, 336 
Cowden, Matthew, 278 
Cowen, 281 

Cowman, Matthew, 270 
Craig, David, 263, 325 

James, 328 

John, 327 

Robert, 325 
Craighead. 280 

Rev. Robert, 70 ; daughter mar- 
ries Homes, 80 

Rev. Robert, Jr., 86 

Rev. Thomas, 18, 30, 79, 84, 86, 
130 ; sketch of, 87 
Cralgie, William, 229, 234 



Grain, William, 278 
Crawford, 228, 281, 293 

Aaron, 191 

Daniel, 285 

James, 329 

John, 191 

Robert, 188 
Crevecceur, quoted, 78 
Crockett, 293 
Crombie, John, 202, 263 
Crook, Thomas, 156 
Cross, Rev, Robert, 281 
Crozier, James, 334 
Crumey, Giziell. 201 
Crumney, William, 202 
Cumerford, Thomas, 333 
Cumings, Alexander, 336 
Cunningham, 294 

Andrew, 172 

George, 228, 234 

James, 272 

Robert, 335 
Curry, Andrew, 327 

James, 328 

Joseph, 330 
Cuthbertson, Robert, 376 


Daggett, Benjamin, 82 
Dalton, James, 333 
Dame, William, 335 
Darby, 281 
Darien Colony, 31 
Davenport, Jonas, 272 
Davidson, James, 335 
Davis, George, 279 

John, 335 

Samuel, 36 

Rev. Samuel. 26 

William, 333 
Dawsonbridge, 156 
Dean, Adam, 327 

Andrew, 330 
Deane, Nathaniel, 114 
Dennis, Captain, 322 
Denny, 281 
Derby, Michael. 333 
Dering, Henry, 172 
Derry, Ireland, siege of, 13-15, 126 
Derry, Penn., 266 ; view of meeting 

house, 276 
Derry and Londonderry, 42 
Derryfield, N. H., on map, 178 
Desertion, 227, 228 
Diaries, 301 
Dick, John, 184 

Thomas, 184 
Dickey, 282, 288 

Adam, 326 

David, 263 

Samuel, 263 
Dicky, John, 335 

Dill, Daniel, 114 
Dillon, Peter, 333 

Dissenters, under William III, 62; 
under George II, 65 ; criti- 
cised, 70 ; at Drogheda, 71 
Dixon, Robert, 335 
Dixwell, James. 230, 234 
Doak, James, 263 

John, 263 

Robert, 263 
Dobbins, 288 
Dodd, 294 

Dodge, Andrew, 328 
Doke, William. 164 
"Dolphin," 141, 320 
Donagh, 156 

Donaghmore, Donegal, 81, 100 
Donald, Robert, 127 
Donaldson, Alexander, 329 
Donegal, Lord, 55 
Donegal, Ireland, 100 
Donegal, Penn., 266 ; view of meet- 
ing house, 273 ; description of 
meeting house, 275 
Dorus, Hugh, 333 
Dorrance, George, 114 

John, 114 

Samuel, 114 

Rev. Samuel, 113 
Dougherty, Edward, 272 

Walter, 333 
Doughty and Hill, 21 
Douglas, 281, 293, 329 
Douse, Samuel, 333 
"Dove," ship, 270 
Dow, Ebenezer, 114 
Dowglase, Alexander, 318 
Downing, James, 333 
Dracut, 156, 198, 242; calls 

McGregor, 199 ; on map, 178 
Draper, George, 333 
Drapers, 41 

Dresden, Maine, on map, 204 
Dress, 107 ; of Presbyterians in Bos- 
ton, 174 
Drink habit, 108 
Drogheda, trouble at, 71 
Drumbo, 193 
Drummond, William 333 
Drumore, Penn., 280 
Ducat, George, 285 
Duffield, 281 
Dummer's war, 229 
Dunbar, battle of, 11 
Dunboe, 131, 156 
Duncan, David, 326 

George, 263 

James, 164 

John, 182, 183, 188 

Robert, 333 

William, 326 
Dungannon, meeting house, view of, 



Dunglven, 42, 107 
Dunlap, Andrew, 327 

Moses, 121, 125 

Rev. Robert, 116 

William, 188 
Dunlop, 293 

Alexander, 102, 330 

Robert, 336 

Thomas, 328 
Dunmore, 51 
Dunning, Andrew, 228, 234 

David, his deposition, 144, 216, 

William, 333 
Dunworth, Henry, 333 
Duroy coat, 174 
Dyer, 280 

Eagle Wing, voyage of, 9-10 
Eayers, William, 263 
Economic conditions in Ulster, chap- 
ter 3. 
Edgar, William, 333 
Edgefield, 294 

Edmonds, John H., 153, 216, 331 
Education of Scotch Irish, 303, 305, 

Egart, Ja'mes, 333 
Egle, W. H., referred to, 277, 278 
Elbows, 115 
Elder, James, 328 

Rev. John, 121 

Robert, 278 

Thomas, 327, 328 

Rev. Thomas, 100, 102, 330 
Elk River, 282 
Eliot, Simon, 336 

Elizabeth, Queen, religion under 61 
"Elizabeth," ship, 321 
"Elizabeth and Kathrin," 160, 317 
"Elizabeth and Margaret," ship, 270 
Elizabeth River, 27 
Ellington, 113 
Ellis, Edward, 165 

Robert, 165 
Elson, Benjamin, 317 
Emigration, 268 ; fever of, 130 ; in- 
fluences to, 43 ; and manu- 
facturers, 88 
English, ability of, 309 
Enoch, Thomas. 329 
Episcopalians, 71 
Erskine, Archibald, 22 
Erwin. 288, 293 

Hugh, 288 

John, 288 

William, 288 
"Essex," brigantine, 323 
Established church, 71 
Eton, James, 326 

Richard, 326 

Eton, Thomas, 326 
Evans, David, 232, 234 

John, 234 

William, 232, 234 
"Experiment," ship, 323 
Eyre, Humphrey, 279 


Fair, 294 

Fallowfield, Penn., 280 

Falmouth. Maine, 203 ; life at, 208 

Families in Ulster, 339-377 

Family, size of, 308 

Farrand, Andrew, 192 

Thomas. 192 
Farrel, John, 333 
Farrend, Andrew, 182 
Farwell, John W., 216 
Faust's German Element, quoted, 78 
Federal Street Church, 170 
Feet, 303 

Fenton, William. 191 
Fergus, Owen, 333 
Ferguson, Alexander, 234 

George, 333 

James, 146, 149. 234, 319 

John, 184 

Samuel, 231, 234 

of Charleston, 31 
Ferrell, Robert, 191, 192 
Filson, 282 
Finn, river, 1 
Fishmongers, 42 

FitzGerald, Rev. Edward, 111, 179- 
182, 188 

Richard, 111 
Fitzgibbon, Patrick, 333 
Flax, cultivation, 49-50 
Fleming, 282, 293, 294 

Andrew, 328 

Joseph. 192 

Samuel, 188 

Thomas, 234 
Forbish, William, 164 
Forbush, James, 183, 188 

Robert. 191 
Forsaith, James, 328 
Forster, John, 278 
Foster, Thomas, 279 
Foyle, river, 1, 195 
Francis, 281 
Franklin. Benjamin, 81 
Eraser, John, 285 
Freeland, John, 127 

Thomas, 327 

William, 333, 335 
Freeman, Edith S., 325 
Freetown, 87, 88. 89. 155 
French, Nath., 114 

William, 333 
"Friends Goodwill," 151, 319 
Frierson, William, 288 
Frizwell, Benjamin, 335 



Frost, Charles, 12 
FuUerton, 281 
Fulton, John, 335 

Peter, 329 

Samuel, 272 
Futhey, J. S., quoted, 30 


Gaelic, 304 

Galbraith, Andrew, 271 

James, 271, 277 

John, 22, 275 

Rebecca, 275 
Gale, Abraham, 22 
Gales, 281 
Gallard, John, 318 
Gallup, John, 114 
Gait, Benjamin, 329 

William, 330 
Gamble, 288 

John, on drinking, 108 ; on the 
Scotch Irish, 4 
Gardner, 282 

James, 333 
Garrison life, 228 

Garvagh, 41, 217, 331 ; on map, 39 
Gate, Susanna, 230 
Gaudy, James, 335 
Gay, Frederick L., 216 
"George," snow, 321 
"George," ship, voyage of, 12 
Georgetown, 116, 117 ; on map, 204 
Geoghegan, Michael, 333 
Georgia, Gaelic in, 304 
Germans, ability of, 309 ; as farm- 
ers, 78 
Gibbs, Captain, 319 

Daniel, 333 
Gibson, John, 114 

Samuel, 336 
Gillespie, Elizabeth, 277 

Matte, 279 
Gilmore, 281 

Helen, 125 

Isabel, 188 

James, 125, 184, 326 

John, 125 

Joseph, 333 

Robert, 263 

Samuel, 326 

William, -263 
Gisham, 294 
Giveen, Robert, 329 
Given, David, 229, 234 

John, 122, 259j 260, 263 
Glasford, James, 155, 183 

John, 192 
Glasgow, 32, 294 
Glen, George, 169, 175, 333 

Robert, 114 
Glendenning, 282 
Glenn, 294 
Glenravil, 194 

"Globe," ship, 318, 321 
Goddard house, view of, 189 
Goffe, John, 256, 261, 262, 263 
Gold, John, 122 
Goldsmiths, 42 
Gooding, Edward, 319 
Goodman, James, 322 
Gordon, Alexander, 114 

James, 155 

John, 114 

Robert, 114 

Roger, 288 
Gough, Captain, 270 
Government, training for, 301, 309 
Gradon, John, 333 
Grafton, 184 

Graham, Duncan, 183, 192 
Grants, the, 11 
Graves, 228 

John, 234 

Samuel. 248, 256, 261, 262. 263 
Gray, Asa, 187, 310 

Benjamin, 165 

John, 182, 183, 184, 187, 188, 
230, 234, 267, 278. 326, 330 

Joshua, 2l4 

Matthew, 182, 183, 184, 187 

Samuel, 183, 184 

William, 182, 183, 184 
Gray family, 187, 188 
"Gray-hound," sloop, 317, 322 
Grazing in Ireland, 45, 48 
Greeley, Horace, 310 
Green, 280, 294 

Henry, 263 
Greenleaf, Jonathan, 117 
Greenough, Charles P., 159 
Gregg, 294 

Andrew, 278 

David, 263 

George, 330 

Hugh, 336 

James, 145. ai9, 198, 242, 248, 
251, 261. 263, 329, 330; no- 
ticed, 252. 

John, 263 

Samuel, 145, 263 

William, 263 
Gregory, George, 328 

Patrick. 192 
Griffin, John, 333 

Nehemiah, 263 
Grocers, 41 
Grow, James, 327 

Thomas, 327 
Gwinn, John, 335 
Gyles, William, 214 

Haberdashers, 42 
Haliday, Rev. Samuel, 100 
Halifax, Fort, 332 
Halklns, William, 326 



Hall, Jean, 230, 234 

Mrs. S. C, 50 

Virginia. 258 

William, 170, 175, 333 
Halliburton, Thomas, 174 
Hambleton. Thomas. 183 

William. 231, 234 
Hamilton, Abel, 234 

Alexander, 187 

Archibald, 288 

Frederick, 333 

Gabriel, 234 

James, 182, 183, 188, 318 

Rev. James, 7 

John, 192, 228, 232, 234 

Patrick, 234 

Robert, 234 

William, 114, 288 

Professor, 75 
Hamiltons, 191 
Hammond, Otis G., 106 
Hampton, Rev. John, 27, 36 ; in New 

York, 269 
Hancock, 293 
Handsard, William, 234 
Hannah, 294 
Hanover, 278 
Hanson, Anne, 157, 210, 214 

David, 328 

John, 333, 335- 

Samuel, 326 

Thomas, 326 
Hardships, 292 
Harkness, Thomas, 155, 336 
Harmon, William, 336 
Harper, James, 220, 232, 238 

John, 333. 335 

Joseph, 235 

Moses, 183, 185, 231, 235 

William, 235 
Harris, 278 

Samuel, 321 
Hart, James, 335 
Harvey, Rev. John, 115 
Hathaway, John, 88, 89 
Haverhill, 241 ; greets Irish, 242 
Hay, William, 272, 335 
Hays, 278 

Hazlitt, W. C, quoted, 42 
Health of passengers, 160 
Heart, James. 188 
Heath, John, 282 

Joseph, 222 
Hebrew, to be taught, 70 
Hemphill, Gawin, 335 
Henderson, James, 329 

Samuel, 155 
Hendery, Malkem, 191, 192 
Hendry, Hugh, 122, 125, 127 

Robert, 326, 329 

William, 326 
Henry, Hugh, 271 

.Rev. Hugh, 116 

Henry, James, 155, 329 

Rev. John, 27 

Robert, 329 

Thomas, 155 
Heron, Rev. Robert, 288 
Hersey, 281 
Heslep, 282 

Heywood, Daniel, 177, 181 
Hezlet, John, 329 
Hides, Gilbert, 336 
Higgenbothem, 281 
Higgins, Alice, 125 

Ananias, 282 
Higinbotham, Rev. Robert, 100, 101, 

Hildersam, Rev. Arthur, 174 
Hill, Benjamin T., 178 

Robert, 335 

Rev. William, quoted, 26 
Hillhouse, Rev. James, sketch of, 113 

William, 113 
Hines, Thomas, 326 
Hodge, Henry, 335 

Robert, 335 

William, 127 
Hodgen. Robert, 335 
Hogg, George, 336 

Thomas, 233, 235 

William, 334 
Holmes, Abraham, 263 : his church 
letter, 259, 260 

Andrew. 383 

Hugh, 329 

J. Albert, referred to, 260 

John, 156 

Robert, 213, 214 

Thomas, 156 

William, 157, 213, 214, 333 
Homes, Rev. Benjamin, 83, 100 

Rev. John, 100 

Captain Robert, 58, 81, 157, 
319, 320, 321, 323; and emi- 
gration, 84-85 

Rev. William, 18, 130; sketch 
of, 79 ; death, 84 

Rev. William, of Urney, 79 
Homes family, 81-82 
Home-towns of Ulster families, 339- 

Hood, James, 184 
Hoog, James, 326 

John, 333 

Robert, 326 
Hope, 282 

Hopkin, Robert, 114 
iriopkins, James, 114 
Hopewell Church, 288 
Houses in Ulster, 2 
Houston, James, 282 

John. 326 
Howard, Gordon, 271 

Joseph. 271 
Hugh, 294 



Hup:hes, 281 

James, 333 
Hu^euots, ability of, 309 
Hulton, James, 326 

Thomas, 326 
Humphrey, John, 8 

William, 263 
Hunter, 294 

Abraham, 155 

Adam, 235 

Archibald, 135, 136, 320 

Daniel, 232, 235 

Isaac, 231, 235 

James, 235 

Jean, 230, 235 

John, 235, 326 

Marion, 127 

Robert, 125 

Samuel, 326 

Thomas, 326 
Huston, David. 174 

Samuel, 263 

William, 126 
Hutchinson, Alexander, 271 

Elizabeth, 335 

James, 82, 271 

John, 333 

Immigration in 1717, 18; in 1718, 

Impressment, 227 

Indian Town, church at, 288 

Indians, Nutfield free from, 244 

Inventions of Men, 69 

Ireland, labor in, 44 ; grazing in, 45 
poverty, 47 ; farm profits, 56 
in 1718, 57 ; and New Eng 
land, 58 ; learning in, 68 
fevers In, 160 

Irish language, 94 

Irish new settlement, 216 

Irish Society, 37 ; charter, 42 

Irishmen, who are called, 44 ; as 
tenants, 65 

Ironmongers, 41, 129 

Irwin, :i81, 293 

Isle of Burt, 186 

Jackson, 281 

Andrew, 292, 310 

John, 328 

Richard, 38 

William, 37, 269 
Jackson Hall, 99 
James, Mrs., 155 

John. 288 
James II, Ireland under, 13 
Jameson, James, 85 

John, 328 

William, 210, 214, 330 

Jamison, 294 
"Jane," ship, 321 
Janeway, Rev. James, 174 
Jarvie, John, 32 
Jarvis, Nathaniel, 322 

William, 322 
Jeffries Creek, S. C, 288 
Jenison, Samuel, 185 
Jenson, William, 327 
Jlrwin, Gawen, 328 
Johnson, Adam, 184 

Euphemia, 174 

George, 174 

James, 175, 231, 235 

John, 184 

William, 184 
Johnston, 228 

Daniel, 327 

John, 335 

Robert, 328 

Samuel, 328 

Rev. William, 181 ; sketch of, 

William, 327 
Johnstone, John, 269 
Jolly, 293 

Jones, Nathaniel, 179 
"Joseph," ship, 321, 322, 323 
"Joseph and Mary," ship, 321 
Junkinses, 11 

Karr, John, 272 

Malcom, 272 
Kasson, Adam, 114 

John, 114 

William, 114 
Kearns, Jean, 125 
Keigwin, John, 114 
Kelly, Henry, 335 
Kelso, Hugh, 183, 188 
Kennebec River, 215, 219 
Kennebec settlement, 144 
Kennedy, 293 

David, 333 

Fergus, 326 

Rev. Lrilbert, 279 

Hugh, 121, 125 

James, 327 

John, 155. 336 
Ker, Hugh, 329 

William, 328, 330 
Kernochan, Samuel, 335 
Kernohan, J. W., 122 
Kerr, 282 

John, 336 
Keyes, or Kays, Elias, 256, 261, 265 
Kid, Alexander, 326 
Kidder, Benjamin, 258, 265 

Joseph, 258, 265 
Kile, Ephraim, 335 
Killen's Congregations, 220 
Killeshandra, 101 



Killough, John, 182 
Kilmore, 100 
Kilraughts, 101 
Kilrea, 38, 42, 299 
King 281 

James, 327 

John, 327 

Robert, 329 

William, Archbishop, on labor in 
Ireland. 144 ; and rents, 56 ; 
on trade, 57 ; on the Tolera- 
tion act, 64 ; and Dr. Ashe, 
67 ; his book on the Inventions 
of Men, 69-70 
Kingsfield, 173 
Kingston, Thomas, 328 
Kirkcaldy, 115 
Kirkland, 293 

iiobert, 335 
Kirkpatrick, John, 282 
Kittery, 142 
Knowles, 281 
Knox, Adam, 333 

Andrew, 170, 330, 335 

Henry, 310 

James, 326 

John, 326 

Robert, 325, 327, 334, 335 
Koppra, 188 
Kyle, 282 

James, 272 

John, 63 
Kyrle, Sir Richard, 31 

Lacey, 293 

Laidlay, James, 329 

Laird, Francis. 83 

Lamb, 28u 

Lamond, Archibald, 188 

John, 327 

Robert, 327 
Lamont, James, 192 

John, 328 
Lancaster, 152 
Lancaster County, Penn., Scotch 

Irish in, 280 
Landlords, Swift on, 19 
Lason, John, 329 
Latham, 293 

Law, James, 141, 142, 320 
Lawler, Thomas, 333 
Lawry, Thomas, ii36 
Lawson, David, 126 
Leaser, 20 

Leavitt, Emily W., 92 
Lechmere, Thomas, 157 : his letters, 

Lecore, John, 192 
Lee, Arthur, on the Scotch Irish, 5 

Francis, 335 
Leech, John, 327 

Rev. William, 101, 320 

Leicester, 155, 184, 239 
Leman, William, 155 
Lemon, John, 288 
Lenox, James, 329 
Leslie, James, 262. 263 

John, 329 
Lewes, 33, 36 
Lewes, Del., 26 
Lewis, Joseph, 233 

Mehitable. 157 
Lexington, 155 
Liggett, 282 
Liggit, James, 263 
Limavaddy, 99 
Lindsay, David. 329 

James, 155, 263 

William, 335 
Lindsey, 281 
Linen, 50, 52; in 1698, 15; use of, 

Linn, 278 

Lisburn, Pelham to be called, 184 
Literature, Scotch Irish in, 301, 309 
Lithgow, Robert, 229 

William, i:31, 235 
Lithgow family, 231, 236 
Little, John, 169, 333, 334; his 
school, 171-2; and the Pel- 
hams, 172 

Thomas, 155 
Livingston, 281 

Rev. John, 8, 9 

Rev. William, 285 
Lizard Manor, view of, 129 
Lockhart, 282 
Lockhead, John, 336 
Lodge, Senator, on Scotch Irish 

ability, 308 
Log College, 279 
Logan, 278, 294 

George, 279 

James, 30, 35 ; on Scotch Irish, 
Loghouses, 247 
Lollard, Robert, 191 
Londonderry, Ireland, siege of, IS- 
IS ; Cathedral records, 339-377 
Londonderry, N. H., on map, 178 ; 
settled, 242 ; view of meeting 
house, 245 ; title to lands, 
248-251; first settlers, 252- 
261 ; proprietors, 262-265 
Long, 281 

James, 155, 336 

Capt. John, 165 
Longhead, John, 155 
Long Lane meeting house, 169 
Longworth, Thomas, 213 
liord's Supper, 64 
Lowrey, 275 
Lorie, Thomas, 326 
Lothridge, Robert, 182, 183, 184, 191 
Lough, John, 335 



Lowden, Thomas, 184 
Lower Brandywine, 282 
Love. 293 

Matthew, 325 
Luckey, 282 

Lunenburg, 155, 202, 239 
Lyie, 293 
Lytle, Ephraim, 272 


McAlan, James, 335 
McAlaster, 294 
McAlben, William, 330 
McAlester, George, 329 
McAllach, James, 184 
McAllister, 282 

John, 155 
Macarell, John, 317 
McBpide, Alexander, 329 

Rev. Robert, 100 
McCalla, 294 
"Maccallum," ship, 141, 142, 145, 

220, 320 
McCan, 293 

John, 330 
McCardy, 280 
Macearell, Robert, 318 
McCarter, William, 192 
Macartney, Alexander, 202 
McCaw, 293 ^ 

McCawley, 280 ^ 

McClanaghan, 281 
McClanathan, John, 173, 192 

Thomas, 192 

William, 173, 192 
McClanethan, Rev. William, 116 
McCleary, Alexander, 336 

John, 334 
McCIellan, 294 

James, 183, 191 ; his land, 179 ; 
his will, 185 ; his arrival, 194 

George B., 186, 310 
McCIellan, J., 182 

John, 85 

William, 179. 183 
McClelland, 280 

James, 288 
McClenathan, Rev. William, 209 
McClenn, 281 

McClennehan, Rev. William, 334 
McClintock, 105 

John, 191 

Rev. Samuel, 106 

William, 335 
McClure, 281, 294 

Charles, 335 

David, 155, 292, 335 

James, 335 

John, 155, 335 

Richard, 169 

Richard, 335 

Samuel. 169, 335 
McClurg, John, 263 

McCollum, Alexander, 263 
McCombs, Dugall, 155 
McConkey, Alexander, 182. 183. 184, 
191 ; his house, 189 
John, 183, 184, 191 
McConnel. 280 
McConoeighy, John, 263 
McCook, Archibald, 102, 330 
McCool, William, 252 
McCord, 278 
McCormick, Hugh, 278 
Maccoullah, Joan, 213, 214 
McCracken, 294 
McCrady, Edward, quoted, 292 
McCreary, 294 
McCrillis, James, 334 
McCully, John, 156 
McCurdy, John, 334 
McDaid, 294 
McDaniel, 293 
Hugh, 334 
Thomas, 334 
McDonald, 288 

Randal. 210, 214 
McDougall, John, 335 
McDuffee, Daniel, 263 
McElchiner, Jenet, 125 
McElwaln, Andrew, 155 
McFadden, Andrew, 102. 144, 217, 
218, 228, 231, 235, 327; his 
transplanting, 331 
Daniel, 217 

Jane, 144, 332 ; her deposition, 
216, 217 
McFaden, James, 334 
McFall. Daniel. 334 

William, 156 
McFarland, 223 

Andrew, 183, 184, 187 
Daniel, 186. 191 
Duncan, 187, 192 
George, 125 
James, 228, 235 
John, 183. 186, 187 
Robert, 271 
McFee, James, 327 
McGivern, Samuel, 329 
McGlaughlin, James, 264 
McGowan, 235 
McGowens. 228 
McGowlng, Lodowic, 334 
McGregor, Alexander, 261, 264, 325 
Rev. David, 108, 170 
Rev. James, 94, 95, 99, 119, 145 
146, 149, 256, 257, 261, 264 
his family, 106; habits, 107 
view of his meeting house 
120; dines with Sewall, 136 
recommended by Mather, 197 
198; called to Dracut, 199 
his petition, 240 ; goes to Nut- 
field, 243, 247; and Vau 
dreuil, 244; wife, 252 



McGregor family, 106 
McGregory, Alexander, 157 
McHan, William, 191 
McHard, James, 334 
Mclllhenny, 293 
Mcllvain, Rev. J. W., 22 
Mclntire, 11 
Mclntire, John, 192 

Neill, 334 
Macintosh, Rev. Dr., quoted, 300, 313 
Maclc, John, 264 
McKachan, John, 191, 335 
McKane, 281 

Mackay, John, 141, 320, 321 
MacKaye, Archibald, 155 
Mackclothlan, 11 
McKean, Alexander, 272 
McKeen, Edward, 326 

James, 145, 149, 198, 242, 248, 
249, 253, 255, 256, 261, 264, 
328 ; noticed, 252 ; goes to 
Casco Bay, 203 

John, 252, 257, 327 

Rev. Joseph, 255 

Robert, 264 

Samuel, 264 
McKenzie, 293 • 

McKerrel, Daniel, 326 
McKerrell, James, 328 
Mackey, W. D., quoted, 30 
Mackie, Rev. Josias, 27 
McKimm, 280 
McKinley, William, 164, 310, 311 ; on 

Scotch Irish, 300 
McKinstry, Rev. John, 181 ; sketch 

of, 113 
McKlsick, John. 336 
McLane, Duncan, 335 
McLaughlen, George, 329 

John, 329 

Lawrence, 327, 329 

Richard, 330 

Thomas, 326, 327 
McLellan, 228 

Bryce, his house, 211, 214 

Rev. John, 8, 9 
McLem, Robert, 192 
Macleod, Rev. John, 304 
McLevenny, Martha, 125 
McLure, 293 
McMahon, 290 
McMains, Daniel, 192 
McMaster, John, 192, 321 
McMillan. Thomas, 252 
McMitchel, William, 192 
McMorris, 293 
McMullan, 293 
Macmullen, Jane. 156 

Thomas, 169 
McMun, Samuel, 326 
McMurphy, Alexander, 258, 262, 264 

Jesse, 262 

John, 264, 334 
McNabb, 281 

McNalr. David, 277 

McNal, William, 182 

MacNeal, Alexander, 264, 325 
Daniel, 170, 335 
James, 264 
John, 264 
Neall, 325 

McNealy, 280 

McNeil, 282 
Adam, 334 
Archibald, 334 
William, 171 

McNichols, Ezekiel, 335 

McNish, Rev. George, 36 

McNitt, Alexander, 192, 193 
Barnard, 193 

McNut, 235 

Macosquin, on map, 39 

MacPheaderies, Archibald, 319 

McPherson, 280, 282 
James, 192 

McPhetre, John, 216, 218 

McQuakin, 293 

McQuistian, James, 335 

McQunkin, 293 

McRae, Archibald, 288 

McRelis, Daniel, 121 

Magherafelt, 42 

Magherally, 100 

Mahan, William, 183 

Makemie, Rev. Francis, 21, 26, 365; 
In New York, 269 ; his arrest 
and trial, 269 

Malcolm, Michael, 334 

Malcome, John, 228, 235 

Maiden, 155 

Manokin, 21, 28, 33, 36 

Manufacturers and Emigration, 55 

Map of Massachusetts and New 
Hampshire, 178 

"Margaret," ship, 322 

Marion, John, 157 

Marriages by dissenters, 63, 65 

Marshall. 281 

Marston, Captain, 322 

Martha's Vineyard, 80 

Martin, 278, 293 

"Mary," schooner, 321, 323 

"Mary and Abigail," 322 

"Mary and Elizabeth," ship, 320 

"Mary Ann," ship, 318 

"Mary Anne," ship, 140, 317, 320 

Maryland. Presbyterians in, 21 

Maryland boundary and tithes, 267 

Massey, 293 

Mather, Rev. Cotton, 85, 86, 130, 
132, 166, 238, 239; portrait, 
16 ; desire for immigrants, 17 ; 
letter to Hathaway, 88 ; let- 
ter about Boyd, 93 ; letter to 
Woodside, 109 ; on the arrival 
of Scotch Irish, 133-136; rec- 
ommends McGregor, 197; en- 
courages ministers, 222 



Mather, Rev. Increase, on Boyd, 92, 

Mathieson's Scotland and the Union, 

quoted, 76 
Matthews, Albert, 25 
Maxfeild, William, 12 
Maxwell, 11 

James, 335 
Maybee, William, 272 
Mayes, James, 334, 335 
Means, Robert, 209. 214 
Mear, Alexander, 328 
Mecklenburg declaration, 77 
Medford, 155 
Memorials of the Dead in Ireland, 

Mendon, 155 

Menford, Andrew, 170, 335 
Menzies. See Minsy. 
Mercers, 42 
Merchant Tailors, 42 
Meriwether, 294 
Merrel. Abel, 264 Bay. 143, 331 ; on 
map, 204 ; settlement, 215 ; 
names of Scotch Irish at, 233- 
Mickleroy, William, 335 
Mickleravie, Hugh, 335 
Micklevain, William, 335 
Middleboro, 156 
Middleton, Robert, 272 
Migration of 1636, 7 ; in Cromwell's 
time, 11 ; from New England 
to Ireland, 11 ; to the South, 
Military duty, 227 
Military training, 301. 309 
Millar, David, 128 

Hugh, 125 

John, 326 

Margaret, 125 

Robert, 325 

Samuel, 334 
Miller, 294 

Alexander, 319, 320 

David, 121, 125 

James, 232, 235 

John, 230, 234 

Robert, 114, 328 

Samuel, 170, 252 
Mills, 293 
Milton, 155 

Ministers, dress of, 107 
Minnery, Dr. Hugh, 236 
Minsy, Hugh, 232. 236 

Sarah, 232, 236 
Misconges, 230 
Mitchell, 278, 282 

David, 329, 334 

Henry, 236 

Hugh, 236 

James, 272 

Mitchell, John, noticed, 255, 264. 330 

Thomas, 272. 335 
Mole, James, 282 
Molony, Thomas, 334 
Moneymore, 41, 303, 304 
Monreagh, 105 
Montgomery. 280, 294 

Hugh, 127, 264 

James, 132.' 319 

John, 156 

Robert, 319, 335 

William, 219, 236 
Moodey, 278, 282 
Moody, Alice P., 210 

Caleb, 250 

Samuel, 206 
Moony, John, 334 
Moor, 294 

James, 155, 264, 334 

John, 155. 192, 264, 328, 335 

Samuel, 264 

William, 336 
Moore, 281, 294 

Alexander, 252 

Andrew, 252 

Daniel, 252 

David, 334 

James, 192, 325 

John, 192. 217 

Samuel, 334 

Thomas, 328 

William, 334 
Moorhead, Rev. John 106, 334, 335 ; 
his arrival, 164 ; sketch of, 
166; portrait of, 167, 172; 
wife, 170; children 170 
Moorhead, Mary, 170 

Sarah, 170 
Morison, Mrs., 303 

David, 260, 264 

James, 261, 264. 325 

John, 264, 325; builds log 
house, 247 ; noticed, 255, 256 

Margaret, 247, 255 

Robert, 264 

Samuel, 260, 264 
Morrison, Dr. Hugh S., letter on 
Blair's House, 126; view of 
his home, 128 

L. A., quoted, 257 

Sarah, 131 
Mortimer, Philip, 334 
Morton, Robert, 334 
Motley, John, 214 

John Lothrop, 214, 310 

Patrick, 334 
Mount Sandal 1 Fort, view of, 53 
Mount Zion Church. 288 
Mourne. river, 1 
MufE, 41 

MuUaghmoyle, 181 
Murchison, Eliz., 125 



Murdock, John, 326, 327, 329 

Robert, 327 

Stephen, 327 
Murray, 281 

John, 192, 326, 327 

Rev. John, 117 
Musgrove, 281 
Music, 193 
Myers, on the Irish Quakers, 28 


Nazareth Church, 294 
Neal, 294 

Daniel, 334 
Nealson, James, 156 
Needham, 155. 239 
Neely, 293 

Neill, Rev. Henry, 100, 102 
Neilson, Rev. Robert, 101, 330 
Nelson. 288 

James, 334 

John, 231, 236 
Nepmug country, 12 
Nesbitt, 294 

Neshaminy Creek, 58, 278 
Neshaminy, Penn., 266 
Nesmith, James, 252, 264. 325, 330; 

noticed, 255 
Nessley, 281 

Nevin Alfred, quoted, 30 
Newall, Joseph, 320 
Newberry, 294 
Newcastle, 35, 36, 117 
Newcastle, Delaware, 267 
Newel, John, 230, 236 
Newell, Joseph, 323 
New England emigrants to Ireland, 

11 ; Scotch Irish, 266 
New Hampshire, 308 
New London, 113, 142 
Newton, Marmaduke, 31 

Richard, 31 
Newtown Limavady, 42 
New York, Scotch Irish in, 268, 269 
Nicols, 294 
Nichols, Alexander, 261, 264 

Andrew, 335 

James, 261, 264 

John, 155 
Nickel, Thomas, 122, 125 
Noble, Arthur, 334 

John, 334 
Non-subscribers In Antrim, 75-76 
North, Mrs. Mary M., quoted, 21 
North Carolina, 308 
Nutfield, settled, 242 

O'Cahan, Grany, 122 

Nealy, 125 
Octorara Creek, 58 
Oliver, Daniel, 305 

Omagh, houses at, 3 

Orr, Alexander, 335 
Boniel, 329 
Isaac, 334 
John, 329 
Patrick, 329 
Thomas, 325 
William, 329 

Oursell, Nicholas, 318 

Owen, 281 

Rev. John, 113 
Philip, 12 

Page, Charles D., 261 

Paine, James, 285 

Painter, 281 

Pakachoag Hill, 177, 180 

Palmer, 115, 173, 281 ; settlers, 182 

Park 282, 327 

Lawrence, 178 
Parke, John, 114 

Patrick, 114 

Robert, 114 ; letter on emigra- 
tion, 282-284 
Parker 278 

Rev. E. L., 241, 252 ; and Shute 
petition, 324 ; quoted, 131, 
199, 200, 203 
Paterson, James, 271, 330 

William, 327 
Patterson, Abraham, 184 

David, 329 

John, 192 

Peter, 264 

Vincent, 114 

William, 192, 335 
Pattison, Alexander, 328 

Ninian, 328 
Paton, 294 
Patrick, Andrew, 327 

John, 183 

Robert, 192 
Patten, Robert, 175 
Patton, Robert, 169, 334 

William, 334 
Patuxent, 27, 33 
Paxtang, 278 
Peables, John, 183, 192 

Patrick, 183, 184 

Robert, 182, 183, 184, 191 
Pearson, 294 
Peat. Robert, 323 
Peck, Noah, 213 
Pedan, 275 

Peg of Limavaddy, 99 
Pejepscot, 218, 225 
Pelham, 115 

Charles, 172 

Peter, 172, .334 
Pelham, Mass., settlement, 184 
Pendale, 281 
Pennock, 281 



Pennsylvania, life in, 228-284 ; Scotch 
Irish, 266 

Penny, 294 

Pequea, 89 

Perce, Stephen, 265 

Per cent, of population, 308 

Perry, Prof. Arthur L., 133; on 
Worcester, 180, 195 ; quoted, 
183, 186, 214 
Bliss, 188 
Prof. James, 335 

Perth, 115 

Peterborough, 255 

Petition for land, 240 ; to Governor 
Shute, 101, 105, 324 

Pettey, James, 329 

Pharr, John, 335 

Philadelphia passengers at, 30, 35 ; 
Scotch Irish in, 270 

Phillips, Thomas, 166 
Sir Thomas, 19 

Pickens, Israel, 279 
Thomas, 156 
William, 279 

Pike, John, 155 

Pirates, 322 

Piscataqua, 142, 143, 248 : ship at, 

Plowden, 288 

Plowing allowed, 49 

Polk, Thomas, 77 

Pomfret, 155, 307, 308 

Poor In Ireland, 122 

Porpooduc, on map, 204 ; houses at, 

Port regulations in Ireland, 291 

Port Royal, 285 

Porter, 275 

Isabel, 125 

John, 288 

Rev. John, 100, 102, 330 

Portland. See Falmouth 

Potatoes, at Andover, 200 ; use of, 

Poverty in Ireland, 47 

Powers, John, 334 

Pownalborough, 332 

Poyntz, John, 334 

Preaching, 302 

Presbyterian books, 174 

Presbyterian meeting house, Boston, 

Presbyterians under Queen Anne, 15 ; 
in Maryland, 28 ; and Quakers, 
29 ; at Charleston, 31 ; Synod, 
36 ; in Ulster, 60 ; wanted 
control in Ireland and Eng- 
land, 61 ; under William III, 
62 ; criticised by Dr. King, 
69 ; charges against, 71 ; split, 

Prentice, Captain, 179 

Pressley, David, 288 

Pressley, William, 288 
Prices of provisions, 159 
Price's view, 150 
Prince, Thomas, 83 
Proctor, Edward, 258. 265 
"Prosperity," ship, 323 
Protestant tenantry, 55 
Providence, 155 
Pynner's Survey, 41 


Quakers, 64 ; did not Influence Scotch 
Irish migration, 28 ; in Bally- 
nacree, 252 

Quig, John, 334, 335 

Quinnebaug, 12 

Quinton, Duncan, 192 


Ramage, Thomas, 329 
Ramsay, James, 327 

John, 327 

Thomas, 329 
Ramsey, Hugh, 264 
Randal, 255 

Randolph, Edward, quoted, 25 
Rankin, Hugh, 255, 264 

James, 219, 236 
Rasle, Father, 219 
Rawlings, Philip, 321, 323 
Ray, 294 
Read, George, 323 

John, 269 
Records in Ulster, 337 
Reed, Andrew, 279 

Hugh, 121 

Martha, 214 
Reid, James, 264 ; noticed, 258 
Rehoboth, 21, 22, 33, 36 
Religious conditions in Ireland, un- 
der William III, 61 
Rent and tythes, 66 
Rents in Ireland, 56 
Regium Donum, suspended, 63 
"Return," schooner, 320 

ship, 323 
"Revenge," 152 
Rice, Gersham, 177 

Jonas, 177 
Richards, Arthur, 12 

Charles, 155 
Richardson, Thomas, 202 
Richie, Francis, 329 
Richey, Alexander, 325 

Francis, 334 

John, 264 
Richmond, 282 
Riddle, Hugh, 202 
Riley, Elizabeth, 230, 236 
"Rising Sun," ship, 31 
Ritter, Daniel, 155 



Rivers, W. J., his Soutli Carolina, 

quoted, 286-287 
Rivers, influence of, 307 
Roan, 278 
Robb, 282 

Jolin, 329 
"Robert," brigantine, 135, 146, 149, 
150, 319 

ship, voyage of, 205, 206 
Roberts, Mary, 214 
Robey, John, 265 
Robinson, 281 

James, 335 

William, 317 
Roddy, James, 271 
Rodger, 278 

James, 327 
Roe, Robert, 325 
Rogers, Andrew, 231, 236 

Elizabeth, 232, 236 

Hugh, 327 

Isabella, 232, 236 

James, 232, 236, 264 

John, 157, 320 

Robert, 192 

Thomas, 232, 236 

William, 114 
Roquelo coat, 174 
Ross, 293 

David, 229, 236 

James, 231, 236 

John, 232, 236, 327 

Robert, 335 

Samuel, 327 
Ross family, 231, 236 
Rossiter, W. S., referred to, 307, 308 
Route, 224 
Rowan, 282 

Rowland, Robert, 231, 236 
Roxbury, 155 
Ruling elders, 339-377 
"Runners," in Ireland, 268 
Rupp, Isaac D., quoted, 280 
Rutherford, Robert, 334 

Rev. Robert, 116 

Thomas, 278 
Rutland, on map, 178 ; Incorporated, 

181 ; names of settlers, 191 
Rutledge, Edward, 310 
Ryan, Kennedy, 334 


Sacramental test, 63 

Sadsbury, Penn., 280 

Sagatabscot Hill, 177 

St. Lawrence, Joseph, 334 

Salem, S. C, church at, 288 

Salley, A. S., Jr., quoted, 287 

Salmon fisheries, 51-52 

Salmon Leap, 42 ; on map, 39 ; view 

of, 53 
Salter, 42 

Salter, Grashinham, 321 

Mary, 232, 236 

Thomas, 232, 236 
Sandford, 282 
Sargent, W. M., 218 
Saunders, 281 
Savage, 191, 294 

Edward, 192 

Isaac, 334 

James. 232, 237 
Scarboro, 116 

School in Boston, Little's, 172 
Scotch Irish, 4 ; cleanliness, 5 ; Lee 
on, 5 ; as farmers, 78 ; mean- 
ing of the term, 309 ; ability 
shown by, 309 
Scott, 281, 282 

Alexander, 156 

Hugh, 272 

John, 272 

Patrick, 282 

Robert, 335 
Seating, committee on, 182 
Seaton, James, 202 

John, 202 

Samuel, 202 
Semple, 275 

Mary, on the Bann Valley, 299 
Senter, John, 265 
Seton, John, 326 
Settlements in 1776, 307 
Sewall, Joseph, 83 

Samuel, 84, 136, 244 
Shadey, Thomas, 328 
Sharpe, 282 
Shaw. Samuel, 173, 174, 192 

Seth, 193 

William, 170; his will, 173 
Sheales, John, 264 
Shearer, James, 193 
Shennen, 281 
Sherrard, 280 

William, 334 
Shertwell, Mary, 230, 237 
Ships from Ireland, 317 
Shipway, John, 22 
Shirley, 155 
Shirley, John, 121, 122 
Shirlow, William, 335 
Shorswell, James, 329 
Shrewsbury, 184 
Shute, Samuel, Governor, 18, 203, 

227 ; petition to, 324 
Simonds, Joseph, 256, 261, 265 
Simonson, Magnus, 282 
Simonton, Andrew, 214 

William, 214 
Simpson, Peter, 327 

William, 228, 237 
Simson, Professor, 75 

Andrew, 334 
Sinclair, George, 335 

William, 193 



Skinners, 42 

Slamon, William, 325 

Slarrow, Matthew, 102, 192, 329 

Slemmons, William, 214, 325 

Slemons, 210 

Sloan, 282, 294 

William, 192 
Sloane, Robert, 334 

Samuel, 334 
Small Point, 204. 237 
Smeally, John, 325 
Smith, 281, 282 
Alexander, 155 
Aubla, 237 

James, 155, 192, 196, 237, 239, 
272, 328 ; his letter from Bal- 
lykelly 197 
Jeremiah, 155, 247, 335 ; and his 
mother, 51 ; life of, 266, 299 ; 
education, 304 
John, 114, 179, 206, 232, 237, 

328, 335 
Matthew, 196, 237 
Patrick, 328 
Robert, 193, 327 
Samuel, 63, 82, 272, 327, 328, 

Rev. Thomas, 208 
William, 262, 264, 282, 303, 304 
Smith family, 232, 237 
Snoddey, 278 
Snow Hill, 21, 26, 28, 33, 36; old 

house at, 26 
Somerset, Ireland, 53 
Somerset County, Md., 21, 33 : Scotch 

Irish in, 25 
South, Scotch Irish of, 266 
South Carolina, 169; Scotch Irish 
in, 30-35, 285 ; hardships, 
291, 292 
Southack, Cyprian, 144 ; his map, 

215, 216. 219 
Spartanburg, 294 
Spaulden, Andrew, 265 
Spear, David, 220 
Jean, 230, 237 
John, 271 
Robert, 271, 335 
William, 192 
Spectacle Island, 160, 163 
Spence, John, 193 
Spencer, 294 

Spinning, in Ireland, 51 ; in Ameri- 
ca, 51 ; wheels, 51 ; school, 
Stackpole, Rev. E. S., 219, 228 
Stafford, Luke, 322 
Stanley, David, 334 
Stanwood, David, 232 
Jonas, 232 
Samuel, 232 
Stark, Archibald, 264 
General John, 310 

Steel, 280 

David, 219, 237 

James, 219, 237 

Thomas, 140 
Steele, Thomas, noticed, 256, 264 
Steer. 281 
Sterling, John, 183 

Robert, 192 
Sterrett, Benjamin, 272 

James, 255, 264 

John, 272 
Stet, James, 334 
Steuart, James, 327 
Stevens, Mrs. Charles B., 131 

Col. William, 22 
Stevenson, James, 237 
Stewart, 282 

Rev. Hugh, 286 

Ronald, 335 

Walter, 201 

William, 334 
Stiles, 281 

Ezra, President, 89, 117 . 
Still, James, 326 
Stinson, 191, 280 

James, 237 

John, 183, 184, 192, 237 

Robert, 237 
Stirling, Rev. John, 100, 197 

John, 327 

M'G., 327 
Stiven, Robert, 329 
Stobo, Rev. Archibald, 31, 285 
Stockman, Hugh, 328 
Stoddard, David, 159 

John, 184 
Storey, 280 
Strabane, 80 
Strawbridge, Rev. Thomas, 156 

William, 156 
Strobridge, William, 156 
Stronge, Charles E. S., his home, 129 

Pauline Marian, 129, 297 
Stroudwater, 209, 210 
Stuart, 288 

Charles, 231, 237 

Gordon, 271 

Hanna, 231, 237 

Henry, 231, 237 

John, 201, 256, 264 

Margaret, 156 

Robert, 201 

Samuel, 201, 231, 237 
Sturgeon, 332 
Sudbury, 155 
Summeril, 282 
Summersett, Maine, 331 

as a Christian name, 217 
Surnames in Ulster, 339-377 
Sutherland, George, 170 
Sutton, 113, 181 
Swanan, Mr., 232 



Swift, Dean, on landlords, 19 ; 

quoted, 44, 46 
Sym, William, 288 
Synod of Ulster, business of, 94-98 
Synod records, 339 


Tabb, James, 334 
Tackels, Alexander, 193 
Taggart, James, 155 
Taller, William, 237 
Tailors, 306 
Tanner, John, 334 
Tantiusques, 143 
Tappan, Sarah, 82 
Tarbel, David, 329 

Hugh, 329 
Tark, Robert, 230, 237 
Tate, James, 335 

Rev. James, 101, 330 
Tatt, James, 335 
Taughboyne, 105, 111, 186, 207 
Taylor, Humphrey, 230, 237 

Rev. Isaac, 187, 223 

James, 184 

John, 272 

Jonathan, 264 

Matthew, 264 

Rev. Nathaniel, 36 
Teach, Captain, 152 
Telford, John, 202 
Temple, Robert, 142, 187, 210, 218, 

Templeman, 280 
Tenants, 19, 20 
Tennent, Rev. William, 30, 279 
Termont, 156 
Test act, 15 ; use of, 63 
Thackeray, W. M., on Coleraine, 99 
Theobalds, John, 269 
Thien, Alexander, 174 
Thorn, Mrs., 257 
Thomas, Archibald, 334 

David, 191 

Mary, 233, 237 

Samuel, 184 
"Thomas & Jane," ship, 317 
Thompson, 278, 294 

Misses, of Cullycapple, 121 

Adam, 328 

Archibald, 155 

Archibald, and spinning wheels, 

James, 327, 328 
Jeremiah, 330 
John, 330, 334 
Jonathan, 328 
Peter, 237, 330 
Robert, 328 
William, 264 
Thomson, Archibald, 336 
George, 328 
Rev. James, 102, 330 

Thomson, John, 122, 193, 325, 328 

Robert, 193 
Thorn, Mary, 232, 237 

Thomas, 232, 237 
Thornbury, 281 
Thornton, James, 183, 184, 191, 238 

Matthew, 310 

Samuel, 283 
"Three Anns and Mary," 156 
Tillage bill, 45, 48 
Tobacco trade, 58 
Toboyne, Penn., 272 
Tod, Laurence, 328 
Todd, Andrew, 264 

Daniel, 329 
Toler, William, 334 
Toleration act, 15, 64 
Tom, John, 155, 335 
Tomb, Archibald, 335 
Tomson, Hugh, 326 
Tonson, James, 327 
Topham, Walter, 335 
Torreuce, Hugh, 127 
Town names, list of, 339 
Towns, Irish, having records, 337 
Townsend, Rev. Jonathan, 196 
Tracy, Patrick, 334 
Traill, Rev. William, 22 
Tregoweth, Thomas, 238 
Trevor, Lord, 48 
Trinity, 64 

Trinity Church, Boston, 175 
Trotter, James, 325 
"Truth and Daylight," galley, 318 
Tufts, Mrs. Henry F., 258 
Turk, John, 335 
Turner, Alexander, 184 

Thomas, 127 
Tuttle, Julius H., 207 
Tweed, David, 335 
Tyrconnel, Earl of, 13 
Tythes, 65 


Ulster, extent, 1 ; climate, 2 ; houses, 
2-3 ; population, 4 ; under 
James II, 13 ; under Queen 
Anne, 15 ; in 1698, 15 ; under 
George I, 17 ; economic condi- 
tions, chapter 3 ; disease and 
drought, 43 ; political and re- 
ligious conditions, chapter 4 ; 
under Queen Anne, 64 ; and 
curates, 68 ; map of, 103 

Ulster Journal of Archaeology, 340 

Ulsterman, 313 

Unitarianism in Ulster, 72 

Union County, 293 

Upper Marlborough, 33, 36 

Upper Octorara church, 282 

Valley Forge, 275 
Vance, 294 



Vanhorne, John, 269 
Vaudreuil, Marquis de, 244 
Vernon, 294 
Vincent, John, 238 

William, 228 
Vintners, 42 

Vital records in Ulster, 337 
Voluntown, 114 
Voyage, the Atlantic, 151 


Waite, Robert, 156 
Wakefield, John, 321 
Waldi-on, Richard, 257, 265 
Walker, Alexander, 261, 264 

Benjamin, 141 

Rev. George, at Derry, 14 

James, 325 

John, 141, 335 

Nathaniel, 200 

Patrick, 334, 335 

Robert, 325, 327 

Thomas, 157 

William, 191, 325 
Wall, Caleb, 180 
Wallace, 278 

John, 264; noticed, 258 

William, 8, 9, 125 
Wallas, Thomas, 329 

William, 329 
Wallis, Daniel, 238 

James, 25, 230, 238 

John, 25, 232, 238 

Matthew, 25 

Matthias, 191 

Oliver, 183 

Robert, 232, 238 
Wallis family, 232, 238 
Walsh, Nathaniel, 334 
Walworth, 42 
Ward, 229, 238 

Obadiah, 177 
Wardlaw, 294 
Ware, Mass., 193 
Warnings. 229 
Watson, 281 

Andrew, 326, 328 

Joseph, 325 

Matthew, 155, 239 

William, 192 
Watt, Andrew, 140, 320 

Luke, 329 

Samuel, 329 
Watts, Alexander, 335 

John, 334, 335 
Waugh, Joseph, 202 
Waxhaws, 292 
Wear, Robert, 248, 249. 251, 264, 

329 ; noticed, 255 
Webb, 281 
Welch, John, 229, 238 

Thomas, 114 

Wells. 294 

Rev. John, 174 
Wendell, Barrett, 118 
Wentworth, Benning, 248, 257, 265 
Westboro, 155 
Western, 155 

Westminster Confession, 75 
West-running Brook, 242, 243, 247, 

Wheeler's Brunswick, 220, 222 
Wheelwright, John, 248, 257, 265 
Whipple, Allen, 335 
White, Mrs. Charles F., 258 

David, 335 

Rev. Fulk, to teach Hebrew, 70 

Hugh, 278 

John, 22 

Rev. John, 83 

Rev. John, of Dorchester, Eng- 
land, 8 

Moses, 271, 279 

Patrick, 335 

William, 156 
White Clay Creek, 30, 89 
Whltehill, 275 
Whitley, John, 334 
Wicomico, 21, 28, 33 
Widborn, David, 329 
Wiggins, John, 278 
Wight, John, 329 

Joseph, 330 
Wiley, 282 
Wilie, Robert, 335 
Wilkin, 282 
Wilkins, Peter, 271 

Robert, 271 
"William," ship, 135, 146, 149, 150, 

"William and Mary," ship, 132, 319 
William III, 15 
Williams, Benjamin, 264 

Peter 334 
Williamsburg colony, 287, 288 
Williamson, William, 335 
Willis, James, 335 

William, 228 
Willison, Rev. John, 174 
Willson, Alexander, 170 

Benjamin, 264 

David, 328, 330 

James, 327 

John, 328 

Robert, 330 

Thomas, 122, 264 

William, 264 
Wilson, 278, 282. 294 

Alexander, 335 

David, 288 

James, 155, 228, 238. 264 

Jean, 231, 238 

John, 133, 319 

Capt. John, 194 

Rev. John, 36 



Wilson, Rachel, 300 
Roger, 288 

Robert, 155, 264, 288, 335 
Robert, merchant, 32 
Samuel, 102, 328 
Thomas, 327, 328 
Rev. Thomas, 22 
William, 82, 134, 149, 288, 317, 
327, 328 
Windham, N. H., 112 
Winthrop, Governor, 132, 139 

Wait, 12 
Wiscasset, 155 
Witherspoon, 293 
Gavin, 288 

John, 286, 288; his voyage, 291 
Robert, 291 
Woburn, 155 
Wood, John, 155 
Woodburn, George, 232, 238 
Woodburn family, 232, 238 
Woodford, John, 264 
Woods, Catherine, her spinning, 51 ; 

Mrs. Martha, 100 
Woodside, Rev. James, 94, 99, 131, 
142, 144, 166, 209, 241 ; Math- 
er's letter to, 109 ; at Bruns- 
wick, 220-227 ; his own story, 

Woodside, William, 224 

Woolen in 1698, 15 

Worcester, settlement, 177 ; on map, 

178 ; site of Presbyterian 

meeting house, 180, 181 ; 

seating, 182 ; cemetery, 186 ; 

names of settlers, 188 ; their 

character, 195 
Work, Joseph, 272 

Robert, 336 
Wright, 294 
Wylie, 293 

Tamassee lands, 286, 287 
York, Samuel, 238, 325 
"York Merchant," ship, 317 
Young, 293, 294 

Arthur, on emigration and man- 
ufactures, 55 
Anthony, 269 

David, 183, 191 ; his grave- 
stone, 186 
John, 169, 191, 229, 232, 238, 

335 ; his gravestone, 186 
Rev. Samuel, 100, 282 
Young family, 232, 238